Saturday, November 7, 2015

New Trends in World History (Part One)

The Rule of Gyration of Social Domains

Babak Zahraie
Part One
(October 26, 2015)
Table of Contents


    1. World Host to a Rising Domain
The national development of China, during the last three decades, demonstrates a qualitative change in the historical national development of the 20th century. This transformation is a worldwide process that acts as a new force in modern history.
The national domain of the 21st century is a collection of colonial and semi-colonial countries of the 20th century—referred to in the past as “Third World,” nowadays as “Emerging Economies” or “Frontier Markets”—raised upon the tracks of national development.
China, the new industrial power, has changed the 20th century world division between imperial and subordinate countries into a division with a rising national domain—the latter being the driving capitalist dimension of the 21st century. This qualitative change in the world division has caused nothing less than a tilt in imperialism.
Imperial powers of the 20th century gather under the U.S. domain. The latter contains all the advanced industrial countries.
The motion of the two domains is nearing while separating.  Integration while deeper division is the inescapable historical gyration.  
The two domains, imperial and national domain, serve as the major containers of world social organization. Russia’s development after the demise of the USSR continues as an exception tossed between these two fundamental domains—a back pedal development indicated by Moscow’s rejection of Ukraine independence.
  1. Historic Progression and Opposing Calamity

National development of the 21st century represents historical progress. Its development aids the worldwide generation of independent politics and thereby lessens the danger of the nuclear extermination of humanity that has been a part of the human psyche since 1945, when Washington dropped the atom bomb on Hiroshima and Nagasaki at the end of World War II.
China’s development to its present industrial power entails a fundamental reform process initiated by the revolution of 1949-52, a process that extended the social transformations of Russia’s October Revolution of 1917 into East Asia. By unifying the country and transforming the political organization of an entire continent, China’s revolution represented a major reform of the post-war imperial setup of a semi-colonial country.
It churns the rising national domain with the extension of reform. More than ever before, independence, freedom, and national sovereignty are the centerpieces of imperial system reform in all national domain countries.
    1. Urban Development and Growth

National development of the 21st century is the domain that contains 80 percent of the world’s population of 7 billion (2012), a population that includes large numbers (in the scale of hundreds of millions) in urban centers and societies, and the shift of large rural populations toward cities. In 2008, the urban population of the earth became the majority for the first time in history, and every week 1.3 million people are added to urban centers.
Also for the first time in industrial capitalist history, since 2007-08 the majority of the world’s economic growth takes place in the developing world, primarily in China, India and other Asian economies. China’s urbanization drives the largest part of this development.
Currently, over 50 percent of global direct investment goes to developing and emerging economies’ capital influx as national domain represents 51.6 percent of the world total in 2010. World Bank projections indicate that this growth is expected to continue.
Charts 1.1.A below show increased investment in the developing world:
Chart 1.1.A.  Investment share of world output - Source: World Bank

The distribution of world capital from 1870 to the present and its forecast to the end of the 21st century demonstrates this wealth creation trajectory to be a continuing pattern. Chart 1.1.B below shows the distribution of world capital from 1870-2100:
Chart 1.1.B.  World capital distribution, 1870 – 2100 - Source: Inequality & Capitalism ~
    1. Made in China: Sovereign Governance

China, as the standard bearer of the historic rise in national development during the 21st century, has established a set of metrics of sovereign governance that resonate throughout the national domain.
The challenge introduced by the national domain to the imperial domain is similar to the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s in the United States. The cry of a nation is loud. Capitalism, a system unable to withstand or tolerate independently organized labor and social realms, now faces a suppressed and developing nation that can cry louder. On an international scale, there is no possibility of reconquering the national domain— there is only room to give national and peoples’ historical space to open further.
National development advances the universal umbrella of sovereignty that extends from China to Palestine.  This places Peking and Gaza City on a par:  Kiev, Tbilisi, Pyongyang, Mumbai, Karachi, Kabul, Tehran, Baghdad, Erbil, Damascus, Homs, Cairo, Lagos, Havana, Caracas, La Paz, Sao Paulo, Buenos Aires and Moscow on a par with the New York City and Tel-Aviv.

China’s sovereign standard stands interactive to the medium of national domain. There is the opportunity for each and every unit of national domain to interact and benefit. National domain is a unified energy and agriculture domain. Asia is a vast land of Mehmannavazi (hospitality), it is one historical organic compound carved into many countries. It is the history of the empowerment of social being.
Communication between individuals is now at the speed of information technology. Increased knowledge of individuals serves social wisdom and enriches experience. National development serves to increase this understanding. The citizen, the social being, “must prove the truth – i.e. the reality and power,” the worldly-side of “thinking in practice.”
    1. 2007 Financial Crisis Expansions and Contractions

As a result of the financial crisis of 2007, the push to austerity and the decline in quality of life is strikingly evident among the countries of U.S. domain, This fact is exemplified by the double-digit unemployment across most of Western Europe, and by a state like Greece which, with less than 2 percent of Eurozone GDP, is trapped in a debt crisis tearing apart the European Union.
The U.S. domain pattern everywhere, as in Greece, is to exact the price of debt crisis brought upon by Eurozone, European and Greek ruling policy from the working populations.  A policy that demonstrates by rejection of the migrants of Africa and Middle East wars that look for sanctuary in Europe.  
“Four years after the official end of the Great Recession, US economic growth remains lackluster”. The picture presented in 2013 is of the U.S. economy “struggling to find a new formula for vigorous growth”, and “pinpoints five catalysts—in energy, trade, big data, infrastructure and talent development—that can quickly create jobs and deliver a substantial boost to GDP by 2020.” These five areas relate to shale-gas and oil, export of knowledge-intensive goods, advancing in computing and analytics, an increase in annual infrastructure investment, enhancing postsecondary and K-12 education. At present, signs of recovery outlined by this prognosis indicate “the United States has managed to maintain an annual growth rate above 2 per cent in 2014”.
The financial crisis of 2007 is only the most recent event in the long chain of crisis of modern capitalism that dates back to nearly two centuries. It goes back to the year 1825, “when modern industry … for the first time opens the periodic cycles of its modern life.”
The long period since the first quarter of the 19th century, in this economic history, is characterized by cycles of expansion and contraction. During the last two centuries, more than one-third of that period, the U.S. economy, the largest capitalist economy, was in recession.
The economic expansion after World War II lasted for more than two decades. From the early 1970s, the experience has been one of periods of expansions and contractions.
The following table (Table 1.3) by the National Bureau of Economic Research provides the timeline of business crisis which squares with the economic crisis of capitalism during the last two centuries:

US Business Cycle Expansions and Contractions
Quarterly dates are in parentheses
Peak to Trough
Previous trough to this peak
Trough from Previous Trough
Peak from Previous

December 1854 (IV)
June 1857(II)
December 1858 (IV)
October 1860(III)
June 1861 (III)
April 1865(I)
December 1867 (I)
June 1869(II)
December 1870 (IV)
October 1873(III)
March 1879 (I)
March 1882(I)
May 1885 (II)
March 1887(II)
April 1888 (I)
July 1890(III)
May 1891 (II)
January 1893(I)
June 1894 (II)
December 1895(IV)
June 1897 (II)
June 1899(III)
December 1900 (IV)
September 1902(IV)
August 1904 (III)
May 1907(II)
June 1908 (II)
January 1910(I)
January 1912 (IV)
January 1913(I)
December 1914 (IV)
August 1918(III)
March 1919 (I)
January 1920(I)
July 1921 (III)
May 1923(II)
July 1924 (III)
October 1926(III)
November 1927 (IV)
August 1929(III)
March 1933 (I)
May 1937(II)
June 1938 (II)
February 1945(I)
October 1945 (IV)
November 1948(IV)
October 1949 (IV)
July 1953(II)
May 1954 (II)
August 1957(III)
April 1958 (II)
April 1960(II)
February 1961 (I)
December 1969(IV)
November 1970 (IV)
November 1973(IV)
March 1975 (I)
January 1980(I)
July 1980 (III)
July 1981(III)
November 1982 (IV)
July 1990(III)
March 1991(I)
March 2001(I)
November 2001 (IV)
December 2007 (IV)
June 2009 (II)
Average, all cycles:

1854-2009 (33 cycles)

1854-1919 (16 cycles)

1919-1945 (6 cycles)

1945-2009 (11 cycles)


*32 cycles **15 cycles
Table 1.3 US Business Cycle Expansions and Contractions Source: NBER
With regards to cycles of recession, during recovery of advanced industrial capitalism, the economies of the ‘emerging markets’ do not necessarily follow suit, as evidenced by a current report by the IMF claiming that the “outlook for advanced economies is improving, while growth in emerging markets and developing economies is projected to be lower.” “[M]ove by China to a less investment-intensive growth model” and “sharp deceleration in the growth of global trade” is indicated.  
The financial crisis of 2007 belongs to the family of crisis that has existed since the 1970s: “for most U.S. workers…real wages—that is after inflation is taken into account—have been flat or even falling for decades, regardless of whether the economy has been adding or subtracting jobs.” The below chart (Chart 1.3) presents the data:
Chart 1.3. Bigger paychecks, but little change in purchasing power
Following World War II, the United States economy experienced sustained growth until the early 1970s. For the last four decades, the indices of the post-world war period—absence of recessions, lower unemployment rates, and rise in standard of livings—have not been witnessed.
The perceived best case economic scenario developed by leading economists in the United States during the 20th century declares 4% unemployment as optimum and healthy, and proposes to regulate the economy under finance capital through highly defined and redefined schemas of fiscal and monetary policies.
The optimum perspective prior to the 1970s is hard to attain again during the current century. Most of the current titles with regard to economic theory or policy deal with the explanation of facets of capitalist systemic faults or ways to cushion for softer impacts of financial and economic crisis or populist advocacy of bridging the growing poverty and wealth gap.
Leading economists suggest that the corporate cash capital presently amassed in high technology does not always find an outlet for investment. Accordingly “a chronic excess of saving over investment,” a condition ripe for bubble economics and the reduction of “aggregate supply.” In this situation, the attainment of “full employment”, “keeping inflation low and stable”, and “managing financial stability”, “may prove very difficult”.
What is created is a global economy that “works spectacularly well for capital and a cosmopolitan elite that moves effortlessly around the world. But it presses down on the middle classes”.
The indications are for growth under-performance, as “the economy is 10 percent below what in 2007 we felt its potential would be in 2014”. Like in 1993, when potential growth of Japan was expected in “3 percent of 4 percent” range, actual growth “has been barely 1 percent.” This is similar to the situation after the creation of the currency union in 1999, when Europe’s economic performance, which “appeared substantially stronger than many on this side of Atlantic.” It is evident “that the strong performance of Euro in the first decade of this century was unsustainable and reliant on financial flows to the European periphery,” and seems to have “the character of a bubble.”
    1. Increased U.S. Military Engagements

The United States is the primary engine of productivity, technology and ingenuity in the development of global capitalism. This domination is nowhere more strikingly on display than the imperial military.
The past three decades of the rising arc of U.S. military operations is a period of world history that saw the collapse of the USSR and cessation of the Cold War (1991). However, Washington’s wars did not end with the lifting of the “Iron Curtain” and the end of the Cold War.
Based on evidence there is an increase in U.S. military engagements after the Cold War. Since 1991, there have been an increasing number of wars by the U.S. & NATO on nearly every continent, including Europe, Asia, Africa and the Americas. The United States has engaged in a new military intervention every two years.
In the aftermath of the Cold War, the United States—now the world’s preeminent military power in scale, sophistication and global reach—has primarily turned its attention to the greater Middle East.
Space positioning and guidance systems, advanced missiles, precision-guided munitions, unmanned aerial vehicles used for intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance as well as weapon platforms are now the standards of the highly evolving technology of the United States military.
With China and the US joined at the hip, there is no ultimate military option short of destroying the planet Earth’s habitability when it comes to the U.S. domain’s definition of war strategy.
China’s sovereignty is a medium of further connectivity with national domain in the Pacific. This increases China’s links to all of East Asia. It poses further the need to open Japan, currently on an opposite pursuit with regards to China sovereignty, to such an embrace.
    1. A New Spin upon U.S. Pivot

The 20th century is the American Century. Early on in this century and ever after, the United States is the gravitational center of world capitalism. With the emergence of national domain, the center of gravity shifts. A bi-polarity has set upon capitalism that runs from its current world physique to the divided world command centers introduced by national domain along imperial centers.
China and India, two countries outside of the U.S. domain, stand out as more important than Germany and France, which are prominent fixtures of this domain. The latter two countries were labeled as “Old Europe” during the United States war of the 21st century in Iraq.
The U.S. domain’s economic crises and wars now have a worldwide national domain, which acts as both audience and participant. Colonies and semi-colonies, during the 20th century, did not rise to present interactive national development and its increased weight on world politics.
Imperial war now produces two sets of contradictory data. A set of mostly successful military data, as Washington military might is unsurpassed, and sequential data that express mostly lack of success in its political rule. National development data outweighs and brings to question the wisdom of the use of military once promoted by the government brain trusts.
    1. Decreased Benefits of Imperial Military Engagement

The military option, once the foremost and unparalleled strength of the U.S. domain leadership, has suddenly become the least functional, as Washington’s 21st century wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, and their subsequent developments seem to indicate. The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers is the only component that may still be of use in the vast military machine.
No possibility for a re-conquest of national domain exists now, however there may have been such a chance in the distant past.
The continued exertion of national development presses upon the endurance of imperial setup. Military intervention only exacerbates the trials and tribulations, as preponderant evidence indicate.
Washington’s military occupations of the 21st century, chiefly unobstructed, were achieved at the speed allowed by its advanced military. However, even a total military success has not resulted in an improved positioning of the contest and circumstance.
The stability of imperial order is periled by these actions that are now viewed by some protagonists as adventures.
Imperial military success broke two semi-colonial entities— namely Afghanistan and Iraq— that continue knocking on the door of national development. The vortex of collapsed national sovereignty created in these two countries has wreaked havoc upon the greater region. The “War on Terror” has not lead to the creation of a stable emerging economy.  
If the state of Pakistan was created to hamper India’s independence, it now stands ruptured in Waziristan as a result of war against Afghanistan. Imperial Britain’s mandate and setup in Iraq is likewise broken by Washington’s occupation of the latter country.
Region-wide, the contagion of collapsed sovereignty takes its toll. The Damascus dictatorship, once the military arbiter of Lebanon supported by Washington, imposes civil war on its own people. Lebanon, a broken state, is no closer to national unity and concord. Iraqi Baathism, a secular Sunni brand, now in its religious form of ISIL, establishes pockets of war against Shiite, Kurd, Yazidi and women. Yemen’s civil war indicates a new round of collapsed sovereignty that threatens the stability of Saudi Arabia.
Likewise, the quandary is further evident by Tel Aviv’s policy that does not want the Palestinian youth to go to universities and learn the best skills, but wants them entrapped in Anti-Semitism, to focus on suicide mission and digging tunnels, with the hope of sustaining its occupation and military hegemony through the collapsed sovereignty of Palestine.
    1. Washington’s War Ruptures

Like any deep scar, ruptures introduced to the state and ruling fabric of the concerned national domain countries do not disappear. Rather, they leave their marks and determine the increasingly dividing dynamics of countries faced with collapsed sovereignty. The impact is felt through seismographs of war casualty. Far away from ruptures in the region, trauma speaks in the number of suicides, at times 22 per day, among U.S. veterans who have gone through these wars.
A maxim has been told through the above experience: successful imperial military execution creates a deeper rift. At times, as in the present, what ensues from occupation and the setup of a protectorate state is a more compounded and contradictory national development due to the death, trauma, and destruction caused by successful imperial conquest.
The basis for the traditional supreme imperial position over a colony or semi-colony no longer exists. In its place now stands the rising capitalist dimension of national development:  a medium of extension of social and political rights, driven by the need for reform of the existing setup. Imperial military prodding into the latter sphere is carnage that will only lead—albeit more painfully—to further national development, a renegotiation of the reform agenda, and the need for the sovereign governance of peoples.
This is a world condition and perspective that is far wider, more developed, and complex, than the perceived march of reform and revolution in Germany, France and England during rising capitalism. Those were harbingers to socialist revolutions, through the class struggle of the bourgeoisie and proletariat during the 19th century, during which sets of prime design patterns of capitalism and its development, the essentials of humanity’s progress through rejection of economic crisis and war, were extracted and advanced.
Resurgent capitalism is now centered on the national domain. New boundaries of union and integration are constantly defined within the wide energy and agriculture domain as expressed in West Asia, the Middle East and North Africa. Kurdish governance and national rights expression, in all four governance domains, namely Iraq, Syria, Turkey, and Iran, are indicative of these new boundaries.
Alongside national development, on the other side of the tall fences of the U.S.-Mexico border, or high walls and fences erected by Israel, the grass grows even greener. Nothing can be more absurd than imperial recoil when a garden of national development by the kept-back nations is all there is on the other side. The absurdity speaks loudest in the rejection of the immigrant boat or border crossing people of Africa and Middle East by Western European democracies. The latter have the wealth, science and technology to address the needs of immigrants, and to view them like their own populations. The lack of independent social organization to address these essential human needs is evident when there is no division of hominoids and Neanderthal or presumably Artificial Intelligence, but only one humanity.


  1. Weight

The weight indices presented below indicate national development economics to be a major factor in global economic development. The infrastructure behind these numbers vary from more favorable in China to inadequate in India. The latter country has more poverty than the entirety of Africa, and more child labor than anywhere else in the world.
The historic tasks of capitalism among national domain countries refers to yesterday’s tasks. Since the early 20th century, those countries classified as backward or under-developed have had the social and economic objectives of resolving tasks ranging from access to drinkable water to food, shelter, education and healthcare. However, these countries have not had the political capacity to carry out these historic tasks that can provide for rapid progress.
  1. Weight Indices of National Domain

National domain, resided in by 80% of the global population, holds a major share of the world production.
A true picture of the weight of the domain of national development is represented by economic data. Indices for water, air, agriculture crop and livestock, electric power, energy and calorie intake provide this picture.
  1. Access to Drinking Water

According to the UN, over 2.3 billion people gained access to an improved source of drinking water between 1990 and 2012.  89% of the world’s population has access to drinkable water, up from 76% in 1990.
In Africa, 358 million are without improved water access. In India, over 100 million lack safe water. 802 million have no sanitation service.
750 million lack access to clean water more than twice the population of the United States. Diarrhea caused by unsafe water and sanitation kills approximately 2,300 per day an estimated 842,000 per year. Rural populations comprise 82% of those without access to improved water.   18% live in urban areas without access to improved water.
  1. CO2 Emission Index

The effect of global warming on the atmosphere is an alarming trend pointed to by recent science.

National domain is a new addition to the industrial production of CO2 into the Earth’s atmosphere. CO2 emission is how the engine of capitalism has run for over two centuries for high income countries. For most of this time major portions of Earth, under colonial and semi-colonial conditions, have been exempt from major contributing factors to CO2 emission.

Current national development and its rising contribution to the arc of CO2 production comes at a time of increasing consensus amongst the scientific community on the dangers of global warming and the resulting consciousness of the need to protect the environment.

It is estimated that "climate change, which is already unfolding, could batter the slums even more and greatly harm the lives and the hopes of individuals and families who have had little hand in raising the Earth’s temperature."

The charts below provide data for the top CO2 producers of both domains, both per capita and total. These countries emit 63% of total world CO2 emission from energy consumption, based on US Energy Information Administration (EIA) data. See Charts 2.2.A and 2.2.B:

Chart-2.2.A CO2 Emission per Capita - Source: World Bank
Chart 2.2.B Major producers of CO2 - Source: World Bank
  1. Main Indices for World Arable Land and Agricultural Land

Chart 2.3.A. provides data for countries with the top arable land grouped by U.S. domain, Russian Federation and national domain. These countries represent 74% of total world arable land.
Chart-2.3.A Arable Land - Source: World Bank

Chart 2.3.B. provides data for world top agricultural land:
Chart-2.3.B Agricultural Land - Source: World Bank
  1. “Currency of Currency”: Wheat

The indices for wheat, “currency of currency,” give China and other national domain countries the most prominent share of world production. These indices represent an increasing agricultural development trend in the national domain countries.
The United States controls nearly half of grain exports. Farming among the countries of U.S. domain, namely Western Europe, the United States, and Japan, etc., is protected by agricultural subsidies. For the world’s top 20 wheat producers, see Chart 2.4:
Chart 2.4 Wheat Production - Source: FAO
  1. Rice

Rice is an item with rising consumption according to UN reports. World top 20 rice producers. See Chart 2.5:
Chart 2.5 Rice Production - Source: FAO
  1. Corn

World major maize producers. See Chart 2.6:
Chart 2.6 Maize Production - Source: FAO
  1. Cotton

Cotton is the forerunner staple of development of capitalist manufacture. Capitalist manufacture of cotton turned 19th century Britain into the empire it became and transformed India from a cotton product export country to a source of raw cotton. Presently, China’s cotton textile industry employs over 10 million workers.
Cotton production figures for top 16 cotton lint producers. See Chart 2.7:
Chart 2.7 Cotton Lint Production - Source: FAO

  1. Livestock

Livestock data is broken down into the following categories of Sheep and Goat (Chart 2.8.A), Cattle (Chart 2.8.B), Poultry Birds (Chart 2.8.C) and Pork (Chart 2.8.D).
For the major U.S. domain producers of Sheep and Goat and the 18 top world producers in the national domain, see Chart 2.8.A:
Chart 2.8.A Sheep and Goat - Source: FAO
World top 19 producers of cattle. See Chart 2.8.B. (Most of cattle production in India is for dairy).
Chart 2.8.B Cattle - Source: FAO

World top producers of poultry birds. See Chart 2.8.C:
Chart 2.8.C Poultry Birds - Source: FAO
World top pork producers. See Chart 2.8.D:
Chart 2.8.D Pork - Source: FAO

  1. Dietary Energy Consumption (per person per day)

The indicators for caloric intake represent the historic productivity of labor within the U.S. domain, and development and growth within the national domain. Inhabitants of national domain countries consume on an average hundreds and in some cases thousands fewer calories per day. See Chart 2.9:
Chart 2.9 Dietary Energy Consumption - Source: FAO
Calorie intake for the United States in 1961 is 2881 per person per day. In 2009 the value has increased to 3688. China’s data has skyrocketed, with 1426 calories per person in 1961 increasing to 3036 calories per person in 2009.
  1. Electric Power

Electric power production and consumption indicates world standards of countries of U.S. domain. Iceland is first in per capita electric power production. Countries of U.S. domain more or less share the same standards. In the same manner, electric production for countries of national domain indicates lower values. Blackouts are a common feature among some of the latter countries.
Some “25 countries in sub-Saharan Africa are facing a crisis evidenced by rolling blackouts. Although the African continent is well endowed both with fossil fuel and renewable resources.” In Africa, “doubling current levels of energy access by year 2030 require sustained investment at much higher levels.”
See Chart 2.10.A & 2.10.B for leading electric power producers in total and per capita:

Chart 2.10.A Electric Power Consumption - Source: World Bank

Chart 2.10.B Electric Power Production and Population - Source: World Bank
  1. Oil Reserve

The figures for the proved oil reserves of the top U.S. and national domain countries show that the majority are outside the imperial domain. See Chart 2.10:
Chart 2.11 Oil Reserves - Source: EIA, U.S. Energy Information Administration

  1. Natural Gas Reserves

Natural gas reserves follow a pattern similar to oil, and the leading producers are mostly located in the national domain. See Chart 2.12:

Chart 2.12 Natural Gas - Source: EIA
  1. Technically Recoverable Shale Oil Resources

Top U.S. and national recoverable shale oil resources. See Chart 2.13:
Chart 2.13 Shale Oil - Source: EIA
  1. Shale Gas

Top U.S. and national recoverable shale gas resources. See Chart 2.14:

Chart 2.14, Shale Gas - Source: EIA
  1. Motion

Agriculture is the historical task and mainstay of national development. The right to self-determination is inconceivable without the participation and support of vast rural populations in countries of West Asia, Middle East, Caspian Republics and North Africa where an agriculture base exists. The trend in the aforementioned regions is an expression of worldwide motion in the national domain.
  1. National Development Organization and Agriculture
Agriculture is the deepest capitalist reality. Government, an artifact of the urban be it capitalist or an alliance of workers and farmers, is brought to its sense of national development once it embraces agriculture. Agriculture brings together economic development and the national question. The attempt to cross and connect the urban and the rural, nation and nationality, is the multiplication of governance.
  1. Labor Intensive Agriculture, Then and Now

Contemporary Chinese agriculture is labor intensive like agriculture in the United States during the early 20th century. The development of modern agriculture in the United States points to the future of Chinese agriculture in the 21st century. In 1900, the total United States population stood at more than 76 million. 41% of the workforce was employed in agriculture. The number of work animals was 21.6 million. The number of farms stood at more than 5.7 million.
American farms and homesteads of the early 20th century looked very different from those in contemporary rural China. Yet the total population, agriculture workforce and number of small farms in the two cases seem to indicate a similar developmental path. In China (2009) 297 million of a population of 1.3 billion are employed in agriculture. 36 percent of workforce of China is in agriculture. The number of work animals in 1993 is about 80 million. The number of small farms of less than 2 hectares is nearly 200 million.
Within a century the United States number of farms has dropped to 2.2 million. Family owned or family operated farms represent about 97% of the total farms, while farm families comprised 2% of the United States population of over 313 million. This is less than 2% of the total United States agriculture workforce.
For the statistics on the reduction in agriculture workforce and number of small farms, see Chart 3.1:
Chart 3.1 Agriculture Comparison of China (early 21st century), and US (early 20th, 21st century)
There are 500 million farms across the world, 87% of which are less than 2 hectares (4.9 acres). The majority of these farms are located in Asia. China and India alone account, respectively, for 193 million and 93 million farms. Three other Asian countries with a large number of small farms are Indonesia and Bangladesh with 17 million each, followed by Vietnam with 10 million.
The rise in agricultural machinery, such as an increase in tractors in China from 1 million in 2002 to more than 3 million in 2008, indicates a trend toward mechanized agriculture. As Gao Yuan’en, the chairman of the Chinese Association of Agricultural Manufacturers, writes, in China the “mechanization level of ploughing, sowing and harvesting has reached about 58 percent, 30 percent, and 23 percent respectively, in 2005.” He goes on to describe a situation in which, “There are about 8,000 agricultural machinery manufacturers in China that form a fairly complete industrial chain. Among them were 1,578 scale enterprises in 2005, which included main machinery manufacture as well as accessories producers.”
Gao makes explicit the role of industrial development in the growth of Chinese agriculture when he argues that
technology centers of enterprises have gradually become the main bodies for developing new products….There are over 20 research academics and institutes of agricultural machinery belonging to central government and provinces. They played an important role in fundamental research and new products development for agriculture machinery.
At the time of his report, “Chinese enterprises can manufacture about 3,000 kinds of agricultural machines.”
The output for some of main agricultural machinery in China for 2005 and 2006 (Jan-June) can be seen in Table 3.1.B:

Output of agricultural machinery in China, 2005 and 2006
Name of Product
Output in 2005
Output in 2006 (Jan-Jun)
Big-mid-size tractor
Small-size tractor
Harvesting machinery
Farm transportation machinery
Table 3.1.B China agricultural machinery output (Ibid)
Gao describes just how dramatically Chinese agricultural production has changed when he writes that the
Adjustment of industrial structure of agriculture is gradually shifting from primarily grain production to an overall development of agriculture, forestry, sideline production and fisheries, and from traditional agricultural production to agricultural industrialization.
The curve of increased productivity in agriculture and the achievement of radical improvement in the welfare of the populace in China demonstrates the trend in the national domain.
  1. Distinct Agriculture Footprints

The advanced agriculture of the U.S. domain is highly mechanized and computerized. Agriculture in the national domain is labor intensive in large part. Russia has hobbled its agriculture ever since the Soviet Thermidor, when it made an about-face and withdrew its support from national development of nationalities.
National domain’s agriculture, in most countries, is where “capital takes hold of all these [many forms of landed property], employing a variety of way and methods.” Countries like India, Pakistan, Iran, Turkey and Egypt, to list a few among many such national domain countries, display the capitalist appropriation of agriculture. India has 17th, 18th, 19th and 20th century features that appear side-by-side, each captured by capitalist forces of production.
In a few countries of national domain there exists a more complex model with post-capitalist content. China, the core country of national domain, demonstrates the complex model. The fusion of independent government and economic production makes such a country different in both content and behavior.
A complex combination and intimate interplay of social relations, government, production and exchange takes place in China, where the largest capitalist expansion in history is at center stage during the 21st century. China’s revolution of 1949—which transformed the countryside through agrarian reform that freed vast populations of peasants from the yoke of landowners—is at the heart of the agriculture development in the above complex national domain model. The rural upheaval in China is tied to the urban social transformations elsewhere in the country, alongside the establishment of independent governance. As a result, China’s structure is qualitatively different among national domain countries in terms of social relations and the state.
These models show the government acting as the manager of agricultural production through improvement in literacy, education, health, social services, technical assistance, construction of proper infrastructure, and the application of science, technology, and mechanization.
Independent government’s ability in aiding the development of agriculture witnessed in China has not been matched by agriculture development in countries like India when dealing with the legacy of continued labor-intensive agriculture. India inherited the colonial state arrangement from Great Britain during 19th century when it became independent more than a century later after World War II.
China has a higher yield than India in similarly grown wheat and rice (40% higher), and cotton (250% higher), according to the Wall Street Journal. India also has the most arable land in the world after the United States.
  1. Agriculture Model in the United States

The United States’ agriculture productivity exemplifies the most advanced capitalist model. For over a century it has served as the world template. Needless to say, the United States is the leading producer of advanced agriculture machinery.
The Mississippi basin, one of the most important agricultural regions in the U.S., is typical of the American model. It represents a sample from the most advanced agriculture production in terms of productivity. See Diagram 3.3.
Diagram 3.3, Mississippi Basin – Source: Encyclopedia of Earth
At more than 3,700 km long from its headwaters in Minnesota running through 10 states to its outlet in the Gulf of Mexico, the Mississippi River is the fourth largest river system in the world. With a basin covering more than a million square miles—including all or parts of 31 states and two Canadian provinces—the Mississippi River drains 41% of the continental United States. The river and the 14,000 miles of navigable waterway connected to it enable the transportation of over 300 million net tons of goods supply drinking water to 15 million people and provide a habitat for thousands of fish, birds and other wildlife. It also provides an estimated 124,000 direct jobs, generates $10 billion in annual freight revenue.
The agricultural products and the huge agribusiness industry that has developed in the basin produce 92% of the US agricultural exports, 78% of the world's exports in feed grains and soybeans, and most of the livestock and hogs produced nationally.
  1. China Yangtze River Basin

The largest river in China and the third largest river in the world, the 6,300-kilometer-long Yangtze River play an important role in China. The seven provinces located in the Yangtze River’s 1,800,000 square kilometers basin account for about 58 percent of China’s total rice output and 21 percent of total cotton output (USAD 2010). The basin is home to 400 million people and is the engine that drives roughly 40 percent of the entire Chinese economy (2013). See Diagram 3.4.
In 2009, the volume of goods transported on the main lines of the Yangtze River reached 1.33 billion tons, more than 60 percent of the national total volume of goods transported in inland rivers, two times than that of the Mississippi River in the United States, three times than that of Europe’s Rhine River.
Diagram 3.4, Source: Yangtze River maps
  1. Amazon River Basin

The Amazon carries more water than any other river on Earth. The powerful discharge at the mouth of the Amazon measures about eight trillion gallons a day, 60 times that of the Nile and eleven times that of the Mississippi.
The Basin covers approximately 7 million square kilometers of the land area of the South American continent, extending into Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Peru, Suriname, and Venezuela. It covers 58 percent of the area of Brazil. See Diagram 3.5.
The population of the Amazon River Basin is estimated at approximately 10 million, mostly concentrated in urban areas along the river and its main tributaries.
In a normal year, the Amazon rainforest consumes nearly two billion tons of carbon dioxide and produces about 20 percent of the Earth’s oxygen.
The Amazon forest sector comprises 8.6 percent of Brazilian exports and provides 6.5 million jobs. In the nine states of the Brazilian Amazon, the area under intensive mechanized agriculture grew by more than 3.6 million hectares from 2001 to 2004.
Diagram 3.5, Amazon River Basin, Source: Southwindadventures
According to Brazil’s National Institute for Space Research, the nation is close to its 2020 target of reducing deforestation by 80 percent from 1990 levels. Through July 2012 deforestation dropped by 76.26 percent.
  1. Indus River Basin

According to FAO,
the transboundary Indus river basin has a total area of 1.12 million km2 distributed between Pakistan (47 percent), India (39 percent), China (8 percent) and Afghanistan (6 percent). The Indus river basin stretches from the Himalayan mountains in the north to the dry alluvial plains of Sindh province in Pakistan in the south and finally flows out into the Arabian Sea.
In Pakistan, the Indus river basin covers around 520 000 km2, or 65 percent of the territory, comprising the whole of the provinces of Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and most of the territory of Sindh province and the eastern part of Baluchistan.
The drainage area lying in India is approximately 440 000 km2, nearly 14 percent of the total area of the country… Only about 14 percent of the total catchment area of the basin lies in China, covering just 1 percent of the area of the country, and Afghanistan, where it accounts for 11 percent of the country’s area.
Approximately 300 million people live in the Indus basin, and the river has historic import to the development of the Indus civilization, which has its roots in irrigated agriculture. Canal and irrigation development since 1859 followed by supplement development during late 19th and early 20th century indicates extensive development including of merging of rivers.
As a result, “Pakistan now possesses the world’s largest contiguous irrigation system. It commands a full control equipped area of 14.87 million ha (2008).” In the same year, “the total area equipped for irrigation throughout Pakistan was estimated at 19.99 million ha. The total water managed area in Pakistan is around 21.20 million ha.”
“Total water withdrawal in the Indus river basin is estimated at 299 km3, of which Pakistan accounts for approximately 63 percent, India for 36 percent, Afghanistan for 1 percent, and China for barely 0.04 percent.”
“Most summer rains are not available for crop production or recharge to groundwater because of rapid runoff from torrential showers.”
See diagram 3.6 for Indus River basin:

Diagram 3.6 Indus River Basin – Source: Britannica
  1. Volga Basin

The Volga is the longest river in Europe, and is
the principal waterway of western Russia and the historic cradle of the Russian state. Its basin, sprawling across about two-fifths of the European part of Russia, contains almost half of the entire population of the Russian Republic. The Volga’s immense economic, cultural, and historic importance—along with the sheer size of the river and its basin—ranks it among the world’s great rivers.
Rising in the Valdai Hills northwest of Moscow, the Volga discharges into the Caspian Sea, some 2,193 miles (3,530 kilometers) to the south. It drops slowly and majestically from its source 748 feet (228 meters) above sea level to its mouth 92 feet below sea level. In the process the Volga receives the water of some 200 tributaries, the majority of which join the river on its left bank. Its river system, comprising 151,000 rivers and permanent and intermittent streams, has a total length of about 357,000 miles.
There are a total of eight hydroelectric stations on the Volga and three on the Kama, which combined have an installed generating capacity of some 11 million kilowatts of power.
The Volga, navigable for some 2,000 miles, and its more than 70 navigable tributaries carry more than half of all Soviet inland freight and nearly half of all the passengers who use Soviet inland waterways. Construction materials and raw materials account for about 80 percent of the total freight other cargoes include petroleum and petroleum products, coal, foodstuffs, salt, tractors and agricultural machinery, automobiles, chemical apparatus, and fertilizers.
Diagram 3.7 presents Volga Basin:
Diagram 3.7 Volga Basin – Source: CABRI-Volga

  1. Amu Darya Basin

"The Amu Darya is the largest river in Central Asia, with a catchment area of 309 000 km2 and length 2540 km. It is a transboundary river shared by Afghanistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.
"Most of the Amu Darya flow is formed on the territory of Tajikistan (72.8%), 14.6% in Afghanistan and 8.5% in Uzbekistan...The annual flow of the Amu Darya is 73.6 km3, with a storage capacity of 24 billion m3.
"The Amu Darya River is important to the livelihoods of 43 million of people living in the Aral Sea Basin. The water resources are used mainly for agriculture, hydropower generation, industrial, domestic, and drinking purposes.
"Agriculture is an important sector for the economies of riparian countries. Almost 80% of population in Afghanistan depends on agriculture for their livelihoods, and agriculture contributes to almost half of the GDP. In other Central Asian countries, agriculture accounts for 20-30% of employment, and 20-35% contribution to GDP. Agriculture is also the major water user in all the riparian countries, highest being Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan each taking about 42% of total water flow."
Diagram 3.8 Amu Darya Basin Source: icwc-aral
  1. Nile Basin

From Rwanda and Burundi Lake Victoria to its delta in Egypt there are 10 Nile riparian countries. The Nile is one of the longest world rivers traversing for nearly seven thousand kilometer. Despite its length, the water flow of the Nile is a fraction of large rivers like Congo, Amazon and Yangtze. At the same time, the Nile basin has hosted some of the oldest civilizations of humankind.
Sudan (63.6), Ethiopia (11.7), Egypt (10.7) and Uganda (7.4) hold the larger percentages of Nile basin in their countries. The remaining 7 percent of basin area is shared by the other six countries of the basin.
According to FAO, "For some countries, like Zaire, the Nile basin forms only a very small part of their territory. Other countries, like Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda, Sudan and Egypt, are almost completely integrated into the Nile basin. However, all the waters in Burundi and Rwanda and more than half the waters in Uganda are produced internally, while most of the water resources of Sudan and Egypt originate outside their borders: 77 percent of Sudan's and more than 97 percent of Egypt's water resource".
The importance of the Nile to Egypt is made clear by a consideration that “[f]ully 95 percent of the population lives along its banks, and the Nile accounts for nearly all of Egypt’s drinking and irrigation water the country gets little rainfall, and almost all of its farmland is irrigated. The Nile is also a key transportation route. The Nile’s fundamental importance to Egypt has made water management a priority there for centuries, if not millennia.”

The small agriculture of Nile Basin in Egypt with only 36,650 km2 arable land with over 4.8 million tons of wheat and over 5.6 million tons of rice ranks 15th in world production in both, and produces 137,000 tons of cotton. Wheat productivity is 5.71 metric ton per hectare.
Diagram 3.9 presents the Nile river basin:
Diagram 3.9 Nile Basin – Source: World Bank
  1. Tigress – Euphrates Basin

The Euphrates River has its springs in the highlands of Eastern Turkey and its mouth at the Persian Gulf. It is the longest river in Southwestern Asia with 2,700 km, and its actual annual volume is 35.9 billion cubic meters. The Tigris River is the second longest river in Southwest Asia at 1,840 km. The Euphrates, along with the Tigris, was the cradle of the early Mesopotamian civilizations, and irrigation made it possible for the locals to develop agriculture.
Around 3500 BC in Mesopotamia (between two rivers), an array of independent cities (unlike centralized old Egypt and Greece) and their governments appeared, independently developing writing (from old Egypt, Indus Valley and Mesoamerica) and the invention of technologies such as the wheel. The Tigris and the Euphrates constitute a single trans-boundary water course system. See Diagram 3.9:
Diagram 3.10 Tigress-Euphrates Basin – Source: Fouman
According to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the UN, the total area equipped for irrigation in the Euphrates–Tigris River Basin is estimated to be around 6.5–7 million hectare, of which Iraq accounts for approximately 53 percent, Iran for 18 percent, Turkey for 15 percent and the Syrian Arab Republic for 14 percent. Agricultural water withdrawal is approximately 68 km. Iran is riparian only to the Tigris, and Jordan and Saudi Arabia are riparian only to the Euphrates.
The Euphrates–Tigris River Basin provides Turkey with abundant surface water and groundwater resources. The Syrian Arab Republic depends heavily on the water of the Euphrates. Iraq is also reliant upon the Euphrates, but uses the Tigris River as well as an alternative source of water. The deterioration of water quality and the heavy pollution from many sources are becoming serious threats to the Euphrates–Tigris River Basin.
In April 2008, after decades of dispute, Turkey, the Syrian Arab Republic and Iraq decided to cooperate on water issues by establishing a water institute that will consist of water experts from each country working together to solve water-related problems among the three countries.
  1. Kurdistan Basin

Iraqi Kurdistan agricultural development falls within the bigger Tigress and Euphrates basin. Kurdistan, once the breadbasket of Iraq, now aims to become the "breadbasket… of the Middle East".
Large and fertile mountain valleys provide ample space for pastoralist economy and intensive agriculture. Despite its mountainous nature, Kurdistan has more arable land proportionately (28 percent of its total surface area) than the majority of Middle Eastern countries. Expansive river valleys create a lattice work of fertile fields in Kurdistan, except in the region of the central massif. This may very well explain the fact that many experts feel that agriculture was invented in Kurdistan, as was the domestication of almost all basic cereals and livestock, with the notable exceptions of cows and rice. Since then, the economy has always had an agricultural base, albeit with varying degrees of importance.
Kurdistan agricultural development is a key indicator of the rise of Kurdish national development. The latter is landlocked within a basin that is dependent on multiple countries and nationalities. Agricultural development points to the indispensable reality of governance.
  1. Karkheh & Karun River Basin in Iran

The Karkheh Basin (KRB), covering an area of more than 51,324 square kilometers has been a cradle of civilization for more than 3,000 years and has experienced several periods of agrarian development based on settled agriculture and the development of irrigation from the river. The KRB is the third largest and most productive river basin in Iran and about 87 percent of its groundwater is used for agriculture.
Iran controls 98% of the basin area, and Iraq controls the other 2%. The Karkheh River is 944 km the Karun River is 867km and the Shatt Al Arab River, formed by the confluence of Euphrates and Tigris rivers, is 192 km.
The Karun is the only navigable river in Iran. Karun discharges into the Shatt al Arab that borders Iran and Iraq.
According to Water Inventory, “the sinuous course of Karun and repeated shifts in history” has led “some of the former riverbeds [to] fill with seawater.” Agriculture projects in Iran, like the Sugarcane Development Plan, are designed to desalinize thousands of hectares of land.
Mean annual discharge of the river has reduced from 25.7 BCM to 20.5 before and after 1963. Total water use from the basin is estimated at 11.2 BCM per year, a change “most likely due to the construction of large hydropower dams in the basin since 1963. Another factor could be the impact of climate change, possibly driven by the decrease in precipitation … though this observation requires further detailed investigation.” Six dams regulate the Karun Basin, and Karun III “is the largest hydroelectric plant in Iran and production is up to 4,200 GWh/yr.”
See Table 3.12 for information on the main constructed and planned dams in the Karun Basin:

Main constructed and planned dams in the Karun Basin
Accumulation of sediments from upstream areas is causing a loss in reservoir capacity. The area currently irrigated by the dam reservoir (16,000 ha) falls well short of the projected 80,000 ha.
Karun I (Shahid Abbaspour Dam)
The first in a series of dams on the Karun River. Reservoir capacity: ~3.1 BCM Reservoir surface area: 54.8 km2
Masjed Soleyman (Godar e Landar)
Hydropower capacity: 2,000 MW The dam’s spillway gates are said to be the largest of their kind in the world.
Karun III
Reservoir capacity: 2,970 MCM Reservoir surface area: 48 km2
Nader Shah


Karun IV
The Karun IV is the highest dam in Iran. Its installed capacity increases Iran’s hydropower potential by more than 1,000 MW. Reservoir surface area: 29 km2
Upper Gotvand
2015 (Expected)
4,500 (planned)
Construction began in 1997. Once completed, the Upper Gotvand will be Iran’s tallest earth-fill dam, supplying one of the country’s largest power stations. The impounding of the dam started in July 2011.
(a) Irrigation (I), Hydropower (HP), Water Supply (WS) and Flood Control (FC).
Table 3.12 Karun Dams Source: Water Inventory
The Karkheh River Basin contains 9 percent of the total irrigated area of Iran and produces approximately 1 million tons of wheat per year. According to Water International, the basin is considered to be “the food-basket of Iran”.
Water Inventory estimates (1993-94) that the total surface water resources of Karkheh is about “3.9 BCM, of which 63% were from surface water and 37% from groundwater.” Prior to completion of the Karkheh Dam (2011) the basin was not regulated by large dams. Now, however, irrigated agriculture is playing an increasingly prominent role in the region. The Karkheh Dam produces 520 MW of hydroelectric power, and the water allocation of the Karkheh Basin is nearly 86 percent for agriculture and 6 percent for fish farming (2011).
See Chart 3.12.A for crop pattern in Karkheh Basin and 3.12.B for diagram of the two river basins.

Chart 3.12.A Crop Pattern - Source: Mesopotamia to the third Millennium

Diagram 3.12.B Karkheh Basin – Source: Water Inventory
  1. The Sefidrud Basin in Iran

The Sefidrud (the Sefid River), the longest river in northern Iran, rises “920 feet (280 m) in elevation and break[s] through the Elburz Mountains in an impressive gorge 23 miles (37 km) long to emerge on the plain of Gilan, where it forms a delta and flows into the Caspian Sea. With its main tributary, the Qezel Owzan, the Sefid River is approximately 600 miles (1,000 km) long and drains 21,700 square miles (56,200 square km). A dam at Manjil at the upper end of the gorge is designed to prevent floods, improve and extend irrigation, and provide electric power.” The Sefidrud acts as a communication line between central Iran and the Caspian lowlands, and extends into the heart of the province of Gilan. Among the major agricultural products of the region are rice, olives and tea, and a variety of grains, cotton, tobacco, and many types of fruits and vegetables.
Diagram 3.13 shows the Sefidrud Basin:
Diagram 3.13 Sefidrud Basin – Source: WRM

  1. West Asia to North Africa Oil Region
The increased oil and gas production in the United States further underscores the shift of west Asia and North Africa oil region to China.
A union of national development energy infrastructure is expressed by China’s linkage to the oil rich region of Middle East, Eurasia and North Africa. This is a basic shift from the time of oil discovery in this region in the early 20th century, where for decades Iran’s oil powered Britain’s and Western Europe’s automobiles.
The United States is the chief developer of world oil and gas. West Asia to North Africa oil and gas region’s switch to China is the new trend established by national domain development.
The oil redirection towards China and the rest of the national domain countries is not solely a matter of oil transport over vast distances. It also ameliorates the expansion of energy infrastructure of whole countries in between those who have a prime opportunity for development.
Energy integration in the region follows the historic footprints of water integration of old Asia.
China and the oil and gas regions of West Asia to North Africa are in large part water scarce areas. Water management is at the source of the old Asiatic empires. It was not possible, at the dawn of civilization, to manage water other than in large geographic areas in this continent. Regional water and fossil fuel or energy interdependence and integration is more evident now. It is recognized that the water and energy needs of the countries require regional cooperation.
Regional scale puts distant locations, like the water and agriculture basins of the Volga and the Indus, in a Yazd perspective. Yazd is an oasis city that sits at the meeting of Dasht-e Kevir and Dasht-e Loot deserts some 2500 kilometer away from Volga basin in the center of Iran. Yazd is over 2000 kilometers from the Indus Basin. It places Karun and Euphrates water and agriculture basin under the influence of the whole Arabian Peninsula. Similarly, it places Iranian oil and gas, the closest to Pakistan, under that country’s influence.
Electric, water pipe/canal, telecommunication and fiber optic network road, rail, canals, ships, planes and satellites moves the entire energy and agriculture domain of national development closer to one another.
  1. 30 Countries Region of Energy and Agriculture
West Asia, the Near East, and North Africa are a domain of energy and agriculture. The oil and gas found in this region is significant on a global scale.
Before it was known as West Asia and North Africa, the Sindh and Mediterranean regions had a common history during the past two millennium. This is during the pre- and post- Zartusht period in this region, when not only irrigation and Qanat connected the existing civilization, but the very definitions of religion, Erfan, and divinity take shape.
After the rise of Islam during the last millennium, this area witnessed many empires led by Arab, Turk and Iran kingdoms that are based on Arabic and Farsi as the language of governance. Here again, not only many dynasties rose and fall, but the very notions of philosophy and religion, from Indian to Greek and Islamic religion combine.
From Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria and Libya in the west to Turkey, Iran and Pakistan in the east, including Israel and the West Bank and Gaza, there are now 30 countries in a region that are connected to the land mass of Eurasia. See Map 4 for this region:
Map 4 30-Region: West Asia to North Africa Oil and Agriculture Domain
A common and dividing identity is Islam and its main derivatives of Sunni and Shia. Jews have been living among the many tribes of this past history throughout this region. So have Christians and many other faiths. There exists a shared past in terms of culture and history among the 30 countries of the region of West Asia to North Africa.
National development of the 21st century indicates a larger identity for all, expressed by the indigenous political movements since early in the 20th century. These movements appear in various countries of the region, and reciprocate and influence one another.
Most of the states in the region were created during the first half of 20th century. There is spread of nationalities with suppressed historical identity upon this landscape at many cross borders. The social fibers of national development runs throughout the region and is pinned down, like no other place in the region, at the location of Israel established in Palestine during British mandate.
Palestinians living in Gaza and the West Bank face occupation or siege, a situation some among the Left mistakenly contend similar to pre-Civil Rights Alabama or Apartheid, as Israel maintains an extensive mesh of security checkpoints, lethal punishment and embargos over Palestinians—the result of half a century of U.S. domain policy and Israel. Arabs in Jerusalem, some 300,000, can move in the city or work and Arabs in Israel have members in parliament.  It is common for the sophisticated ground, air and sea armadas of Israel to repeatedly target Gaza, who are at best armed with weapons allowing for primitive self-defense or incursion. Levelling of Palestinian homes is a revenge punishment practiced in the West Bank by Tel Aviv.  In Gaza it is levelling through aerial bombings. Recognition of Palestinian national rights by Israel continues as the fundamental required solution.
Israel is different in economic and social DNA from all the other regimes of the region. It is the only country with imperial characteristics as defined by members of the U.S. domain. Structurally, Israel is much like France, the United Kingdom, and the United States. This fact is obscured by the preponderance of false ruling political creeds from Egypt to Pakistan and beyond, which conflates the suppression of Palestine with Judaism or Zionism. Hence, the region’s ruling and independent politics are infested with anti-Semitism.
Israeli expansionism derives from its imperial nature. Like every other imperial power, when historic reality blocks avenues for expansion, it has no option but to comply. All colonial powers of the past had to reckon with the changed reality when the time came, such as France in Algeria and Great Britain in colonies like India and elsewhere. So Israel has had to shelve the dogma of expanding territory at the expense of its neighbors, without relinquishing the suppression of Palestinian-Arab in occupied Palestine and expansion of settlements.
The recognition of Palestine’s full national rights throughout Israel and the occupied territory would open the floodgates to historic progress in the region. The recognition of these rights represent a politics of historic importance that addresses all religions and nationalities of the region and can unite most everyone in Israel and among the countries of the region.  This requires rejection of anti-Semitism as the political cornerstone of national struggle for the right to self-determination in Palestine and greater Middle East region.
Russia, situated to the north of this region, provides a more complete picture of energy and agriculture domain. Russia’s animus, integration, recognition, collaboration, and confrontation with national development covers over a century up to the post-USSR era, and is the key reform agenda of that country, as evidenced in Ukraine, Georgia and elsewhere.
The 30 country region of West Asia to North Africa includes eight countries formerly part of the USSR. This puts the full array of capitalist and post-capitalist experience in the national development regional mix.
The countries of domain of energy and agriculture, divided into oil exporter and importer, all face the expansion of energy and agriculture. The core goal is to achieve water management, electricity production, and an adequate food supply for this entire region. Israel has arranged itself against this process by denying the rights of Palestine, and reduced its own achievements in water management and agriculture to a luxury of Israel development and its higher standards of living.
To achieve a full supply of electricity and food is a capitalist task for national development units. Any country who excels in this is at once a regional model, as it requires regional cooperation and peace and provides a break from underdevelopment, with new heights in standards of living. The combination of national development and capitalism requires independent policy to achieve this goal.
  1. Population

Chart 4.1 lists the populations of the 30 countries of the region. Some of these countries host large migration populations due to economic and employment conditions or dislocations caused by war such as Iran and Pakistan (many millions of Afghans, according to UNHCR), Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey (Since Syrian Civil War of 2011, nine million war refugees have fled their homes into neighboring countries or Syria itself, according to UNHCR ).

Chart 4.1 Population - Source: World Bank          
  1. Rural percent

The 30 countries of the region of energy and agriculture have in large part sizable rural populations. The rural population’s percentage of the total population provides an index to the historic national development. The rural percentage runs high for the independent republics of the former USSR. These figures run higher than 35 percent and reach into 40, 50, 60 and 70 percent. The numbers indicate the toll of national suppression through the revival of Great Russian chauvinism in the post-1924 USSR period and enforced upon the development of independent republics.

Pakistan has a high percent of rural population. Along with India (70 percent rural population with 50 percent of workforce), Pakistan suffers from the split of 1947 and the continued hostilities thereafter. Both countries indicate arrested development caused by this 1947 national development hemorrhage. India couples this malady with the denial of Kashmiri sovereign rights.

For these statistics, see Chart 4.2 on Rural Population % of Total Population.

Chart 4.2 Rural Population % of Total Population - Source: World Bank

  1. Arable Land

Chart 4.3 presents arable land for 30-region:
Chart 4.3 Arable Land - Source: World Bank
  1. Improved Water Resources

Water is the strategic element of national development. 30 countries region, in a water scarce region of the globe, faces water management tasks as a foundational unifier of national development country units.

* Data Not Available
Chart 4.4 Improved Water Source, Rural (% of Rural Population with Access) - Source: World Bank

Chart 4.4: Improved Water Resource, Rural—Improved water resource, where reasonable access is defined by the World Bank as the “availability of at least 20 liters a person a day from a source within one kilometer of the dwelling.”
  1. Wheat

Chart 4.5: Wheat the staple of regional food
* Data Not Available for Wheat
Chart 4.5 Wheat - Source: World Bank
  1. Rice

See Chart 4.6 Rice production in millions of ton:
* No Production or Data Not Available
Chart 4.6 Rice - Source: World Bank
  1. Cattle Meat

* FAO estimate
Chart 4.7 Meat, Cattle - Source: FAO
  1. Chicken

* FAO estimate
Chart 4.8 Meat, Chicken - Source: FAO
  1. Duck

Chart 4.9 Meat Duck - Source: FAO

  1. Turkey

* FAO estimate
Chart 4.10 Meat, Turkey - Source: FAO
  1. Goat

* FAO estimate, **Unofficial Figure, ***Data Not Available
Chart 4.11 Meat, Goat - Source: FAO
  1. Sheep

* FAO estimate, **Unofficial Figure
Chart 4.12 Sheep - Source: FAO

  1. Pig

* FAO estimate, **Unofficial Figure
Chart 4.13 Pig - Source: FAO

  1. Fish

* FAO estimate
Chart 4.14 Fish – Source: FAO
  1. Milk

Chart 7: Cow milk, whole, fresh
Chart 4.15 Milk - Source: FAO
(Production data refer to raw milk containing all its constituents)

  1. National Development: Social Construct
If thou art wise, seek meaning, as meaning remains of face Saadi (agar hooshmandi be maani geray, ke maani bemanad ze soorat bejay).
So it is with governance, the face of national development. The social structure, the meaning, is what remains and persists in the new chapter of Ehssan (Benevolence) set forth by the national development history.
  1. Capitalist and Post-Capitalist Toolset
The national development of the 21st century reproduction of capitalism is different from its classical times in one key substance: post-capitalism. Such a social toolset was not in existence during classical capitalism of Western Europe and North America.
The October revolution of 1917 in Russia introduced post-capitalism to history.
Post-capitalist presence in China’s or Cuba’s development makes them different from other countries of national domain such as India, Indonesia, Iran, Turkey, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Venezuela, Brazil, Argentina and Bolivia among many.
Post-capitalism places the question of nationality and state objects on the same historical footing. This is a reality not only in regards to explaining the past but also for a forecast of the future and a plan to achieve it. The equal plane of nation-nationality-state is a design pattern introduced by the history of national development in the 20th century.  A contribution of socialist movement to understanding world history.
During the epoch of capitalism, the early and industrialized nation product leads to capital-imperial a strict boundary among advanced industrialized countries—as throughout the 20th century. National development and domain among the rest of the underdeveloped world—as in 21st century—has nowhere to go but persist on its trajectory toward nation creation and union of nations, i.e. internationalism.
  1. China and India: National Development Contrast
There is a universal recognition of the difference between Chinese and Indian development during the last three decades. There are many metaphors for the two countries, but perhaps the simplest presents China as a paved highway and India as the bumpy road of development.
With China and India the primary difference is in structure. The social relations are different in China and India. National development thus has a different set of class struggles engaged in the two countries.
China is in the spring of transformations of alignment and concurrency with national development. It benefits from overriding alignment dynamics.
China’s city and countryside have a different bond than India. The 40-hour workweek of the city, women’s rights, and agrarian reform ending rural servitude, a product of China’s revolution, is not found in India’s independence. China has a post-capitalist toolset. The state structure is nation-labor, while in India it is nation-capital. The former is a state product that rises into the power vacuum of its traditional ruling state during its revolution of 1949.
Under British imperial guardianship, upon India’s independence (August 15, 1947) the state underwent a split and replicated a similar nation-capital state structure in Pakistan (August 14, 1947). The latter exemplified an army-plus-country form during subsequent development and underwent a further state division into Pakistan and Bangladesh (1971).
The clashes between Hindu, Sikhs and Muslims and the partition of India and Pakistan in 1947 provide the negative model for national domain, as it points out what the stakes are and why the central state is duty-bound to embrace all facets of nationality and religion. It illustrates the tragic pitfalls when the nationality question and ethnicity rights is not respected and is conflated with the state question.
Given the India-Pakistan experience, when it comes to contemporary Syria and Iraq, there is no new telling as they face the break-up and split of the central state, built under the guardianship of imperial powers, into multiple smaller states affecting tens of millions. Suddenly, so many countries following nearly a century of traditional blueprints from the United Kingdom and France indicate failed models. Washington has no fundamental solution, as demonstrated by its policies in the regions of West Asia and North Africa.
Independent national organization and politics can only cement unity and collaboration among the diverse national components. The alternative is to deepen the divisions that result in two nuclear-armed states as in India and Pakistan an imperial-designed model for government and national policy to avoid.
China in 1949, when faced with deep economic, social and political crisis following Japanese occupation during World War II, achieved the historic capitalist tasks through a revolutionary process and transformation. The institution of independent governance and the erection of a new state establishes a hierarchy of committees from rural and urban centers to the central state, built upon social transformations. However, the political regime of the Communist Party that came to power and the state it built, was bureaucratized.
The transformation of the old colonial and imperial-designed state, i.e. nation-capital structure to nation-labor, represents the new China after its revolution. This process was soon negated by the imperial powers, as in the U.S.’s Korean (1951-56) and Vietnam (1956-75) wars.
History’s verdict on China and India is clear upon the subsequent development of the two countries within the last three decades, demonstrating both the social and economic benefits of post-capitalist social structure and the need for political independence.
The 5 BRICS nations are newly industrialized countries presented as the most rapidly developing countries outside of the U.S. domain. BRICS and the entire national domain unit countries show how nation and labor add up to economic development. Among BRICS, Russia and China stand out from the point of view of social relations and historical development.
  1. Russia & China
In the cases of Russia and China, social relations display great similarities, while their historical development is quite distinct. Since 1924, Russia’s position is downward with regards to national development while China’s is upward since 1949.
Upon the implosion of the USSR, Washington’s policy has been to expand NATO eastward among the newly independent countries. Given the historical record, an imperial military approach is at best folly.
The old Stalinized USSR, with Russia at its head, when facing invasion by Nazi Germany, was more disunited, less industrialized, had less resources and politically was deeply stifled, when compared to present post-USSR Russia. Leon Trotsky predicted that the broken labor-nation structure would survive the contrary march of history imposed by the German invasion, and it did. The Thermidorian regime in Moscow achieved victory in World War II under the banner of Russian greatness and nationalism rather than the banner of internationalism.
Similarly, current Washington policy with increased military alliance and presence against China disregards the historic record. China is qualitatively more developed than during the times of the Japanese occupation of 1930 or the post-revolutionary period of the 1950s-60s. The outcome of the Korean and Vietnam War during the third quarter of the 20th century, as well as the U.S. occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq during the current century, show the military approach to be folly at best.
The record seems not to deter Washington from its pursuit of obtaining ‘first strike’ capability.
Evidence indicates that the presence of post-capitalism, including higher urban bonding, without conscious internationalist leadership cannot guarantee safe political conduct as demonstrated in wars and breakup of Yugoslavia during 1980s and early 1990s.  Society can succumb to would be capitalist social forces in such settings.  Other examples is China border attack on Vietnam in 1979.  More recent example is hostility of Russia to Ukraine independence.
Among national domain units where state is nation-capital it is only sufficient to follow government rule to arrive at civil war:  normal division of a state or imperial led semi-colonial unit to its extreme and warring national, ethnic and religious constituencies. Which is witnessed in Libya, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan, during the disintegration of a dictatorship, collapse of sovereignty or institution of protectorate governments, respectively.  
Present-day Russia inherits the post-capitalist toolset, in effect erasing the rule of finance capital— the Old Russian Bear Imperial—during the October Revolution of 1917, seemingly for the rest of its history. Russia’s revolution placed it outside of the U.S. domain as the latter rose to world preeminence from the cooling ashes of World War I. Since then, Russia has continued on the outside of imperial domain.  Frozen in its place between the two fundamental world domains as a result of its early bureaucratization.
Russia’s prime political feature is its chokepoints on nationality, currently focused on Ukraine, resulting from its broken labor-nation state structure. A malady that has afflicted it throughout the history aforementioned with regards to so many national development entities like Chechnya and Georgia and is fixed to do more in the future.  However, this is a burden increasingly hard to maintain by any pro-capitalist government in Moscow or elsewhere in such a state setting.  Post-capitalism and suppression or opposition to nationality and social rights, the capitalist agency, cannot go on forever.  All the major popular social classes are tied in and ultimately awaken to their own interest vis-à-vis the ruling body.  An objective that does not go away with a Moscow military engagement on behalf of a tottering dictatorship like in Syria.
The political chokepoint will not let go until Russia embraces full national developments of its kin nationalities and supports their independence a task that has succeeded once before, albeit for less than a decade, under more harsh and adverse material historical conditions, nearly a hundred years ago: the formula of the right of nations to self-determination, up to and including separation.
The union of the energy and agriculture domain is the basis of Russia’s interaction with nationality. The union requires nationality independence. It can be achieved only through national independence. Russia has no progressive role in this other than full support of independent nations.
Moscow’s advocacy of Eurasian Economic Union in opposition to recognition of nationality independence, as evidenced by its energetic grip on Ukraine, does not ameliorate any fundamental problems of her stalled development as it does not help Ukraine. No plebiscite or vote, like the one held next to Russian armored vehicles in Crimea (2014), proves otherwise.
During the 21st century, the Russian policy of national chauvinism is set against the rising grounds of national development. The resurgence of nationalities is a world trend that will not subside. This leaves the best of Russia—its youth, working class, and its intelligentsia—to wrestle Russian chauvinism to the ground once more. It can once again lift Russia into resurgence and allow union with the development of its kin nationalities.
  1. Capital-FDI: China and India
Capital—as money and investment, an FDI or a set of billionaires—is what both China and India possess. Both countries headline corruption and dissatisfaction with the injustice or working of the judiciary. The distinction between sizable new capital investments in China with a comparable one in India is in social relations, state, government, infrastructure, roads and transportation systems, education, health, and the bridge between urban and rural populations.
So many elements of the production process coming together in China are absent in India. China’s structure of commanding heights of independent governance and expanding capitalist pool does not exist in India.
The agriculture of the two countries shows a similar pattern.
China’s revolution of 1949 witnessed the shattering of outmoded social structures in the predominantly peasant country and the abolishment of servitude, of bonded peasantry and rural laborers. The number physically annihilated after its revolution is estimated at two million. Suggestions are “up to four deaths for every one thousand Chinese was considered appropriate” (China does not disclose numbers). “First in line were the country ‘landlords’.” Independent political tendencies were suppressed during 1951-53 and afterwards, and some fled the country like Peng Shu-tse.
The road to the elimination of labor-intensive agriculture in a country like India is long, winding and, as it seems by the experience of over a century, never ending. Traditional caste and bondage systems from the Asiatic past continue in India when agriculture combines with capitalism. Hence, historical backwardness in its rural mainstay solidifies through this history, expanding into India’s cities as a feature of a vicious cycle of poverty. The nation-labor state is not setup in India.
Without a fundamental social reform of the countryside, the core task of capitalist development, leadership in India has been a tightrope walk. One actor that has fallen through the cliff of the India-Pakistan split is Kashmir.
India, with over two thousand ethnic groups continues upon the schisms of Hindu (80% of population) and Muslim (13% of population). It has a historical heritage, when cooperation and harmony between its non-homogenous populations, at times, fills centuries prior to arrival of capitalism. To be aware of this and do so again, on its more profound and sustainable modern social bedrock, through the union of its social constituencies cemented by independent national development, is India’s potential progression, an attempt to heal the injury of the division of India and Pakistan.
The alternative offered by various Hindu nationalist platforms is a continuation of these rifts: to incite xenophobia, and lead the state policy fostered on deep divisions based on religion and nationality. In short, it is retrogression. The rifts cannot be overcome by the expansion of commerce and execution of economic plans. It requires true urban and rural renewal, and a union of India and Pakistan.  The latter instead of union with India has promoted Taliban in Afghanistan.
China, with over fifty recognized ethnic groups (nearly 10% of population), likewise faces ethnic divisions. However, from the standpoint of nation-labor state structure the chances for political reform are higher. Here the chance for an extension of sovereignty through ethnicity and nationality has a fertile historical ground. Governance and independent politics has a lot of opportunity for becoming the expression of historical data and metadata. This is the path of the development of nationality and the recognition of its culture and religion.
  1. Conditions of the Working Class: 19th Century Manchester and 21st Century Shanghai
The transition from countryside to city, agriculture to industry through national development in China measures as a set of new metrics in world capitalist history.
Migration from the country to the city, and into a wage-worker system, is a historic grind. Manchester, the hub of industrial development in Britain of 1850s, introduced the base metrics of capitalist development. These metrics were described by Friedrich Engel’s in The Condition of Working Class in England..
China’s workers, packed into dormitories and other forms of cheap housing, compose 200 million of the nearly 700 million-strong urban population outside Hukou and access to social benefits. The number of “left-behind children,” abandoned by one or both parents during the migration process, exceeds 50 million. Yet there is contrast to the conditions of working class in Manchester of 1850. Contrast this with conditions of working people in present Indian cities. In Manchester dire conditions of working people and lack of sanitation comes to threaten the bourgeois quarters.  In India life on streets and by the side of railroads without any shelter or protection is a norm.
The dorm in China is rural migrations lowest level of urban entry. It is a migration to the unknown and uncertainty that contrasts to urbanization in India where a population of bonded labor exists and destitution has a presence in large measure in urban centers.
In China, the transition from rural and agriculture to urban and manufacture take place with an increase in standards of living, which is different than the lowering of standards of living for the newly-created wage-workers in 1850s Manchester or elsewhere in the world even today.
Those migrating from the countryside to the city in China, number in the hundreds of millions, and the process of creating a class of wage earners has a degree of protection provided by rural and urban social layers and their relations to state. The latter is aligned with national development through the post-capitalist toolset. The groundwork is one of nation-labor social structure.
The above places specific characteristics upon the capitalist process of production. Labor, a key component of the process, is different than the labor that entered Manchester workshops in the 1850s or modern Indian manufacture. The nation-labor state object operates in various forms throughout the process of production.
How can the urban system reform and absorb the rural and labor migration? How can rural life be transformed through land distribution and state assistance? How can women be protected from intrusion and violence and integrated into social production? How are ethnicity and nationality supported by the central government? These questions monitor the pulse of national development the world over. The policy and practice regarding these central objects of national development tell how successful labor and nation interact.
A foremost indicator of alignment of nation-labor is Cuba. The economic embargo imposed by Washington since its revolution has resulted in high economic and political stress. At the same time, the union of the city and countryside in Cuba has achieved by high standards of education, health, improved conditions of working populations and consciousness.
The conditions of working people in Bangladesh, India, Pakistan and many others is different in this respect. The city and countryside of nation-capital setting does not have any facilitator built-in to serve migration.
To serve and unify rural and urban development is not what the state is built for in these countries. It is a state built during an imperial enterprise early on to safeguard the interest of ruler, lord, khan and trader. As these social layers became capitalist the state was further secured and expanded to serve their interest.
  1. Nation-Labor Historic Construct
Nation-labor erected among former semi-colonies is an extension of a new state product:  labor-nation. The construct of labor-nation was defined by the October Revolution of 1917 in imperial Russia when wage earner and state aligned. This was a process where Moscow and Petrograd, under Soviet rule, combined with numerous volunteer republics and the right to self-determination of nationality. Labor-nation state structure was introduced to history.
The rise of capitalism indicates historical preparation, both materially and spiritually, of the rise of the working classes and socialist movements. These movements sprang from the depths of capitalism. The socialist movement progression and political continuity was a prominent feature of leading capitalism in Western Europe at the time. This built-in feature would supplant capitalism, negate it, and ultimately achieve independent consciousness.
It was only a matter of time. An imperial world war (1914) aided Labor and Social Democracy’s transition to a Worker’s and Farmer’s Government, Bolshevism and Communist International, an identity that would soon be wiped away by Stalinism.
The net effect of retrogression acted early upon the labor-nation contract, within a decade after the 1917 Revolution, when the independent national development of USSR republics became frozen and suppressed. Labor lost many of the leading revolutionary elements and its democratic organization during this process. What began as political fissures ultimately turned into outright suppression that resulted in a broken labor-nation structure. A process explained at the time as transition from a workers’ state to a degenerated workers state.  Nevertheless, the Soviet economic, social and bureaucratized political structure survived and beat back the Nazi German invasion during World War II, and continued thereafter.
Post-capitalism continued to develop after World War II, through tumultuous events fed by war and revolution, this time in ever-weaker domains of world capitalism in Eastern Europe and East Asia. These new introductions are mostly nation-labor structures as in China. Nation-labor structures came in through various processes, as defined by each of the new entities like China’s Mao, former Yugoslavia’s Tito, Albania, or the Cuban revolution upon the path of Marti-influenced independence.
Replication of labor-state structure in the main distinct and rival countries, as in the case of the old USSR and China, produced similar five-year plan economic models that arrived at Sino-Soviet dispute of 1960s.
Ultimately, nearly all the above new entities were repelled by Moscow’s ruling Russian nationalism during the said years of USSR. A rejection that is visible openly in post-USSR Ukraine, Georgia and Chechnya.
What happened after the implosion of USSR after seven decades is history. The ramifications of this implosion, however, persisted, as the broken labor-nation and the nation-labor variations are a forge of the social structure that lives at the core of current dynamics.
Where it is broken, as in Russia, the main historical tendency is for the entity to glue itself back together, no matter how many times and how much the break deepens through conflicts such as in present-day Ukraine. It only takes one time to wake up, turn around and embrace national independence.
Where it has survived the imperial sanction and encirclement, as in China and Cuba, the benefits to the structure, i.e. further union of nation-labor, is the main historic tendency. The contrary tendency within this structure, that directly or indirectly is a byproduct of capitalism, as expressed by current China and Vietnam conflict over oil exploration, or plans to place country at the service of markets, is transitory and unstable.
The new social construct introduces a key design pattern during the early 20th century. The transition from conscious labor-nation-NEP, to unconscious, indicate the two modes, to be the fundamental objects of the pattern. In the beginning, the approach is a conscious one. In 1922, the political report states, the “more specific lesson, is the test through competition between state and capitalist enterprises.” This applies when “practical competition is created between capitalist methods and our methods.”
Washington’s recent opening of dialogue with Cuba may lead to a new conscious model of development of capitalism within a nation-labor state. Cuba, which had been supported by the former USSR for many years, had a difficult special period after the latter’s demise to recover from. Cuba has more independent politics, far reaching social services, and one of the best-educated populations when compared to other places on earth.
  1. Post-Capitalist Impact
The new state power introduced by post-capitalist transformation is analogous to shortening the distance between electronic nodes through a multi-layered printed circuitry board. City and countryside shorten economic distance as do production and banking. Broad populations are further introduced into economy. The social setting becomes one where productivity soars much more given the opportunity.
The shortening of distance through new social fiber is by no means limited to the city and its adjacent countryside. Economic distances mapped by imperial pathway are shortened through national development post-capitalist imprint worldwide. Cuba’s doctors appear and heal in a place as far away as Pakistan. One can compare this shortened distance to the distance between patient and healthcare in the United States with the most advanced health care facility in the world, where healthcare is dominated by finance capital.
Post-capitalism is a qualitative leap in the processing power of central government, the central nervous system of national development. It provides for higher social mobility and state flexibility in the organization of economy and country education, healthcare and defense. This is beyond anything a super-computer or virtual highways can achieve for a nation-capital structure. It is development of new social organism through historical transformation.
Post-capitalism is in contrast to state-capitalism. The latter system and notion is well experienced in countries like Egypt during Nasserism, Baathist regimes and numerous other big and small entities of national domain at one time or another. Iran, in spite of a powerful revolution allowing for the wage earner supervision over capitalism, adopted state capitalism measures in the aftermath of 1979 revolution and during the 8 year of Iraq military invasion of the country. These countries mostly indicate repressive regimes and an inability to realize fully historic democratic tasks in one fashion or another.  State capitalism is soon replaced by domination of private sector in the economy once the working populations’ organization and capability is contained or suppressed.  Society, the realm of class struggle, continues its fundamental capitalist setup.
Compared to the rigidity of the capital-imperial structure, nation-labor is fluid and flexible. The former is a rigid and spiteful war economy, the latter a youthful and playful national development.
Government’s connection to the economy equips national development with an expanded central vista and command center. Society has a new setup and class struggle.
The national economy is the widely distributed, heterogeneous, and a conflicting system of production and exchange, and in the instance of post-capitalism comes together much like a single capitalist enterprise. Management of such enterprise, objectively, is employee based at its core.
Through post-capitalism, country tops the national development economy instead of leadership of warring representatives of capitalism—the employer based management system—at the helms of state as indicated by the numerous oil rentier states of energy and agriculture domain.
  1. China: Persistence of Social Contract
China is the marriage of independent governance and capitalism as dictated by state structures. The historic path set forth by this contract is one of increase in productivity and growth increase in welfare of very large numbers of people. In “areas where 800 million Chinese live. Today the peasants are most happy. [September of 1982]”
Independent governance, the nation-labor construct, is how history writes.
China represents the biggest rapid industrial development in capitalist history. It is the world biggest manufacture of high-tech consumer products. It produces over 500 million metric tons of steel every year 5 times the United States. See Chart 5.7:
Chart 5.7 Crude Steel Production, 1995-2009 – Source: Congressional Research Service
In the area of financial debt, the glue that holds imperial economy together, China is currently experiencing its own high volumes of public and private debt. The latter resulting from the policy responses “adopted in the wake of the global financial crisis in 2008” where “country’s debt risks are mainly concentrated among banks and its financial system given that indirect financing dominates its financing market”.
“According to Standard & Poor’s, China non-financial corporations had debts of $12 trillion by the end of 2013, 120 percent of the country’s GDP, and the figure is expected to exceed $13.8 trillion, even higher than the $13.7 trillion debt due to be held by the US.”
The rising capitalism of China and established US capitalism do not operate by the same constraints with regards to debt and financial crisis. Concerning capitalism, the US is the grantor and China the receiver. The latter is not the capitalist source but the outsource. It produces increasing ripple effects. Operations of finance capital, and the systemic crisis of boom and bust, drive from the source. China’s grip with debt can lead to generations of rules of economic transparency and employee controls given its different state object.
China’s debt operates within a nation-labor social structure that is independent from finance capital. That is the main difference with debt-state bond in the U.S. domain. It is similar to the difference between China and Argentina, in which the latter defaulted on unpayable debts (1991) and is currently saddled by this default. Whereas the nation-capital state structure does not hold the ultimate sway over debt but is repeatedly its promoter and victim.  As in Iran in the aftermath of end of Iraq war or much bigger cases elsewhere.
In China, the role of market is not decisive. Though the ruling reform has stipulated that it wants to make it decisive by 2020. “The ‘decisive’ role of markets is not what we imagine in the west, but a tool to strengthen the position and legitimacy of party and state.” The vast and elaborate enterprise of debt falls under the guardianship of nation-labor structure. The latter is a debt free social institution at the core of society, a promoter object for the definition and re-definition of independent politics.
The recent Shanghai stock slide (July 2015) provides an additional set of data. “China’s stock market had risen by about 150 percent a year,” “looked like easy money” “from high school students to farmers … citizens pooled ideas to take advantage”. “Thousands of people gathered in ‘street stock market saloons’ in Shanghai … to swap tips.” This amounted to some “90 million people,” more than membership of Communist Party, according to official Xinhua News Agency.
Social media responses to regulator updates during stock slide spiral are don’t “lie to me”, this is no way to “treat your own people”, or “give me my money back”.
* * *
Independent governance holding the “commanding heights” over rapid capitalist development is a fusion with consequences. The nation-labor axis of governance, the economic-social content of the state, as the data processing and nerve center of national development in China is bound to continuously break ground into the entire national domain that is traditionally a front or backyard to imperial domain.
There is a natural connection provided by capitalism throughout the national domain. Nation-nation overlay, mostly put in place throughout the 20th century by the imperial appropriation of world resources from backward countries, provides the arena for labor-nation expansion during the 21st century.
This is in view where the old civilizations of Asia, China and India, meet in South East Asia and Indochina.
Sooner or later nation-labor states face a union of their currencies and merger of their economies. It requires moving from the ruling narrow nationalist stance of collaboration and favors with imperialism to internationalism and union of nations.  Such economic integration can expand to include other national entities as it serves to expand capitalism. North and South Korea, a nation-labor and nation-capital opposition, indicate the opportunity. The strong national basis for unification and economic integration exists.
The main obstacle is sustained by Washington sanctions against North Korea, currently framed as an objection to the minor nuclear armament of a country that has an arduous and bloody experience of Japan occupation during World War II followed by the Korean War. Nuclear armament by post-capitalist state development in Russia and China, due to Washington’s development of nuclear weapons and strike against Japan near the end of World War II, is a fact of history.
The unification of West and East Germany (1990) plays differently within national development context. Objective historic motivation is for progression. Through the complete unification of Germany, and the collapse of the East entity into West Germany, the two contrasting social relations became concurrent. The realms are one of the unconscious and conscious. A competition of “capitalist methods and our methods”, when it comes to conscious.  In the absence of the latter, historic progression of German union, to serve the rest of the world, is not attainable.  Only relative supremacy over rivals in Europe and deeper competition defined by the imperialist paradigm is.
The Economic Integration of East Asian countries of national domain can provide the framework for growth and the rise in productivity of labor. Here nation-labor and nation-capital states are concurrent. Integration provides for competition between the opposing social relations. Nation and labor can advance among all the opposing state forms. The agenda for the realization of remaining historic democratic tasks can push forward. It requires China’s embrace of Korea, the latter with North Korea at its core, and Vietnam development and sovereignty.  No amount of issuing new generations of high tech products by the Four Asian Tigers, or economic agreements with Washington, can produce the growth impact of economic integration of opposing economic structures in East Asia.
Upon integration, the uneven rate of development among China, North & South Korea, Taiwan and Vietnam can serve the rise of productivity among all. A device used by advanced capitalism through the creation of the Eurozone, in the instance of East Asia, can help reform and bring closer national domain states, a task not achieved by Euro integration faced with insurmountable imperial divisions.
Euro integration is at a stop sign with its small financial bankruptcy in Greece. The Euro enterprise is without capitalist bankruptcy protections. None of the main ruling actors, whether German or Greek, traditional and conservative or new and radical, have made the rudimentary call for cancellation of the Greek debt their policy highlight.  Adoption of East Asia economic integration, can point to a positive and growth perspective. If such integration has the force of development of urban and rural, agriculture and industrial development, benefiting and extending the rights of the popular classes, behind it.  The alternative is an adjustment of trade and tariff according the rules and requirement of Washington currently practiced through various forms and treaties.  A continuation of policy by world industrialized countries vis-à-vis economies of developing countries, evident from 1800s throughout 20th century and into present, which is without fundamental merit for the broad populations of the East or the West.
Across the national domain, water management and electric production—the main elements of economic development—are in essence a plan for world industrial development.
Export orientation at its peak produced double-digit growth (2004-10) in China. Water and electricity development of national domain indicates a world of infrastructure growth in the scale of multiples of China. It is an orientation beyond the defined commodity and capital export paradigm.
Growth and development in the national domain is a key enabler of the reform of the US domain. The post-capitalist state in China, its nation-labor axis, is a central object of the histories of imperial reform during the 21st century.  A reform that requires the supremacy of wage earners over capitalism world over.

The political organization of capitalism is a national domain specific, different from its forerunner as developed, established and defined by the classical revolutions and advanced industrial countries, the formation of nation-capital states, and the establishment of Western Democracies during 18th and 19th century.
As it is stated, Democracy remains an exclusivity of industrialized societies, i.e. rich countries. When it collides with old Asia, and succeeds in disarray and disintegration of the old civilizations, the resulting society is at a disadvantage and most often no further than at the starting line of the realization of historic democratic tasks.
The strength of national development, displayed by the historic course and social movements during the 20th century, do not translate to the strength of political organization of capitalism. Most often the latter is in a state of division, disarray and conflict when national development requires union, collaboration and cohesive bonding.
The division between empire and nation stands above the political organization of capitalism among the national domain units. These two opposing bosses, looking over the historic process, explain the state of disarray in ruling politics. Who does the sovereign policy listen to? The nation-capital state within the latter is faced with nation-labor reform: to realize the historic capitalist tasks thoroughly with regards to agrarian reform, women, nationality, and democratic rights.
The foundation of the above tendency is decided by the entry of capitalism and development of colonies and semi-colonies. Nowhere in this process does capitalism demonstrate rapid development like its western forerunner in the earlier history.
Often, home and traditional industries of the Asia region are wiped out in the process and are replaced by the imported items from Western Europe during the 18th and 19th century. The resurgence of native industry which follows sometime after such shock, slow and stretched by decades, is a constrained process, as indicated by China during this history, and is a feature that runs well into the 20th century in places like Iran, which was barred from developing a steel industry during much of this period. Iran was viewed as strictly a source of oil, and wealth that it entails, by imperial Britain.
Moving forward to the 21st century, the current rise of ‘emerging economies’, the world shift of resurgence of manufacture and industry to national domain, represented foremost by China. The hereditary weakness of capitalist politics and organization continues, among both nation-capital and nation-labor state structure.
The nation has no problem with national capitalism and capitalists. She is born and bred within this environment. Lives and experiences the weakness in addressing the popular and historic needs. She regards such reality as the natural course. However, capitalism finds it necessary to continuously infringe on the rights of the nation, and to limit its ability in independent organization and politics. Herein lies a basic political problem that needs to be remedied. At the same time, it is the key to unlock the qualitative rise in the productivity of labor.  Thus making the establishment of the independent government, a workers and farmers government, the necessity of the national domain countries much like the rest of the world.
  1. National Development: Forms of Ruling Political Organization
Among the national domain entities there are two distinct forms of ruling political organizations.
The first is a general form of ruling political organization of capitalism present in most countries of national domain, like India, Iran, Turkey, Egypt and Brazil or elsewhere with a nation-capital state structure.
The second is a particular form in nation-labor state countries, which in one way or another negate the general capitalist form, like in China or Cuba, where capitalist political organization, however large or small, formal or informal,  is without its state object.
The national domain economic and social structure indicates a different character and capability for the operations of its capitalist political agency in comparison to the rise of classical capitalism of Western Europe and North America and the standard templates ruling political organization.
Social movements during the rise of classical capitalism are in early formation. Thus, the consequential force of history, the maker of revolutions and battalions of rising capitalism, is politically subordinate, as indicated by the Revolutions of 1848 on the continent of Europe.
Classical capitalist development is exuberant and forceful, no matter what the cost, during the stretch of centuries from the 16th to the 19th.
In the United States, it near totally eradicates native Indians, and institutes the slavery of Blacks from Africa.
In Western Europe, one power or another instituted colonialism across the remainder of the globe. Colonial reach and interest became a prime feature of the formation of the nation-capital state, the form of which is European-Western democracies. A set of Christian states in Europe takes the form of the political state.
Capitalist political organization defined through her classical revolutions settles upon new program definitions during the second half of 19th century. The highlight is the abolition of slavery in the United States, through Civil War. When in 1861, “the biggest things happening in the world today are... the movement of slaves in America started by the death of John Brown, and… the movement of serfs in Russia.”
During the last decade of the 19th century a new world process was led by the United States: the transformation of the state to an empire. Among the countries of world industrialized capitalism, America is the dominant capitalist country that does not evolve from colonialism, but has, rather, an anti-colonial revolution against British crown in 1776.
The next colossal event with regards to realization of historic capitalist agenda is the Russian Revolutions of 1917. Leading to the demise of the imperial state in the country and birth of the labor-nation state structure.
The main action in women’s suffrage worldwide occurred after World War I, when the impetus of the social transformation of 1917, along with the disintegration of the family spurred by capitalist development, dislodged some of the braces of patriarchy as practiced in the citadels of imperial domain. Women’s suffrage in the United States was won in 1921, and in most European countries shortly thereafter. Women’s suffrage in France was in 1945.
Anti-colonial revolutions start towards the end of the 19th century, and are not welcomed given the world structure. The League of Nations (1919) declared a set of formal rights for the colony and semi-colony, many of whom were recently setup and defined by Britain or France, as colonial holdover continues.
Nearly a century later, the 21st century national domain is the permanent guest at the imperial table. This presence overrides the arrangement of chairs and participation of national domain entities in world bodies defined by the leadership of the US domain.
Likewise, during present national domain histories, in each of its unit countries, social movements are the main guest at capitalist table. Imagine the Declaration of Independence in Philadelphia of 1776 with Indians, Blacks and women at the table from day one. The Bill or Rights would extend to include the social rights of gender, ethnicity, nationality, and the livelihood and protection of the children, youth and elderly.
There is no possibility for wealth accumulation to create deep social scars, suspension of sovereigns, and bondage as displayed by the plight of Indians and slaves during the long stretch of past American history. Present history requires more than the expansion of territory, production of cotton, and accumulation of capital, to show for itself. It needs to show the realization of social movement goals to achieve a sustained increase in productivity, and an across the board improvement in the life and welfare of the populace.
The capitalist political enterprise’s greatest chance of success in the realization of its historic tasks among the national domain entities is to come together with social movements. China’s rise during its current phase of industrialization indicates the main difference with classical capitalism, when capitalist development is based upon the reform of imperial-designed system in that country.
  1. A Past Its Time Political Organization of Capitalism
The world political organization of capitalism, throughout the U.S. domain and much of the national domain, is a pastime when post-capitalism appears. The political enterprise aforementioned among the countries of the national domain is not a decisive decision maker of history.
The nation-labor state structure in national domain, as in China or Cuba, does not require the political organization of capitalism. This does not end capitalist politics but puts it at buoyancy, in the same relation as capitalist commerce, trade and stock market to national economy. However such politics impacts, or might even run the affairs of state, the latter is a vista on post-capitalist ground that stands above capitalism.
The historic process undertaken by a nation-labor state entity is to reform the system put in place by imperial design. That is indicated by China’s history since 1949 and by the experience of social transformation elsewhere.
Capitalist political enterprise within the nation-labor state, without a doubt, is conducive to the US domain. The geniality is not enough and does not provide the enterprise with a stable ground. There is more required by history for a stable political product. The dynamics, nationally and internationally, work against capitalist political organization’s ability to achieve stability. Historical development is on a one-way direction in terms of social structure. It is nearly impossible to turn back.
The implosion of the USSR into current Russian Federation provides recent data and indicators the relevancy of data is underscored by the fact that the labor-nation state was setup there first (1917-18) and broken there first (1924-27).
Since the demise of former USSR in 1991, and at the helms of the broken labor-nation state, political organization of capitalism in Russia are a series of Moscow leaders and leaderships defined as conducive to Washington. Such political leadership emulates, and applies, a policy resembling the old Bear Empire. Once nationality challenge is displayed in Ukraine, Georgia, or Chechnya, the US domain conductivity with the Moscow leaderships has resulted in animosity, sanctions, and further NATO encroachment.
Moreover, there is no bear imperial social structure in place like the old Tsarist imperial Russia but a capitalist market and sets of billionaires. Only a ruling policy of Russian chauvinism basking at capitalist political organization.
Nationality, like Ukraine, is the expansion unit of national domain. Washington and Moscow both are against such expansion. Imperial domain opposition to expansion of national domain is physical as it strives to preserve the status quo and secure its own interests.  It is currently focused by world economic reality at the Pacific where China sovereignty draws the lines of geo-politics.
Opposition to nationality from Moscow stems from the political organization of capitalism. The social structure of labor-nation, however deformed or broken has no capitalist class and state to put behind ruling politics. Moscow’s war gambit on nationality strikes out of a ruling political dynamic, however, that is continued by other means.
The false popular euphoria in Russia whipped up during the current crisis is a premise guaranteed to fail through experience. False patriotism is bound to rise. There can be no rewards. The ruling political organization seems to weaken by its own actions when it opposes nationality and her independence.
Likewise among the nationality seeking independence, a capitalist political organization, does not have a stable basis. National independence and fortune requires organization of wide spectrum of social movements of society which ruling political organization in general does not appreciate. A worse indication of a failure to appreciate this is among the Russians in Ukraine who can support nationality independence and bask at fortunes of unity and the shared history. But suffer once pushed to opposite by Moscow when they cannot stand independent of their ruling politics.
The strongest capitalist injection, such as an extension of the union with Western Europe, or to gain footholds for NATO, cannot overcome the weakness of the ruling political organization among the said structures. The imperial military gambit is the worst possible remedy to secure its interest during the social and political rattling of nation-labor structures as evidenced by nearly a century of history going back to Russian civil war, Nazi Germany invasion and post-World War II reality.
With regards to capitalist political organization in China, the country is going through the world’s largest industrialization process that is best served by non-belligerency and cannot aspire to more than self-defense based on widely accepted evidence. China’s development is an increasing pacifier posture.
Expressions of capitalist political organization in China, formal or informal, isolated or universal, are bound by her national development, sovereignty, and her social structure. The strength of the capitalist political chord does not match social tension to alter existing social structure and state in a fundamental way. Rational political regeneration, reason, can hold sway over a pragmatic class response during the long historic process.
Upon large tracts of national domain politics, capitalist political organization, is not the decisive player. Where history has at its disposal a nation-labor state, regeneration of continuous or discontinuous independent politics and activity is inherent in such dynamics.
Nation-labor structure and pastime political organization of capitalism, is a stress point of the entire national domain politics. It indicates, a truth of everywhere in the domain, that viable sovereign governance exercise requires independent politics.
Where nation-capital is the state and rules of governance, the general rule is political organization of capitalism, like India, Iran, Turkey, and Egypt and elsewhere. Still, independent politics is required for capitalism to produce benefits. A need of the entire realm and every unit of national domain.  Demonstrating strikingly with regards to the Damascus dictatorship and its civil war.
Evidence of a wide spectrum of aspiring or new formations of ruling political organization, from Libya or Egypt, Syria and Iraq, Yemen and Afghanistan, is an out of control spiral of sectarianism and fratricide, speaks the unfavorable prospect of ruling politics that is opposed to independent politics.
  1. Realm of Governance of Governances and Arms within Arms
National domain, the heartland of the right to self-determination and sovereign governance, is composed of numerous countries. Governances sit next to one another. The overlay is one of nation-nationality. It is a realm of governance of governances and arms within arms.
National domain’s broken historic fabric through colonialism and imperialism finds a chance to come together and rejoin. Nation-labor is the conduit for the union of nations: internationalism. The historic advantage of national domain is in the approach of “your governance is mine and my governance is yours.”
There is no room for various imperial-aided designs of narrow minded, subjective, and reactionary nationalism, which occupied so many decades of the 20th century, to be handed to semi-colonial countries from India to Morocco. In each instance justifying the suppression of a nationality, ethnicity or religion or gender or creating and deepening a wound or split.
National domain provides a way out of its system contradictions, engraved by history of imperial subjection, oppression and division, through governance of governances.
There are practically no homogenous countries within the national domain and therefore each unit is the objective medium of governance in governance. The multiplicity of governance and arms is decided by the right to self-determination. There is the constant need to expand on governance reaching for more governances to advance peace, union, and development.
National development is the achievement of a whole set of historic economic, social, political, and cultural capitalist tasks. The 21st century national domain provides more favorable conditions for the realization of these tasks. To achieve the existing potentials, to sustain and expand on the favorable historic ground, requires independent politics.
  1. Dual Governance: Separation of Church and State Unification of Church and State
National domain politics of democracy and the right to self-determination is a hybrid artifact. The political regime of Orf and Sharaa (moral and religious law of Islam) is pushed to the fore simultaneously. The separation of church and state and the unification of church and state combine. Democracy is void without the dual content.
The historic principle of the separation of church and state established during the American Revolution and the creation of the political state is now host to its opposite through national development. The introduction of Sharaa governance into the right to self-determination indicates an entirely new trend when national domain repeats capitalist development many centuries later.
The root of this trend and its hybrid history are established and expressed throughout the 20th century.
Religion and democracy, an unfortunate entanglement by the accounts of US domain’s world media and academia in countries such as Iran, Egypt, Turkey and the rest of region of southwest Asia to Africa, is an expression of both historic currents of national domain politics: the dual knock on history’s door by two governances standing next to one another. Orf governance having brought along a Sharaa governance.
Capitalism early on, when penetrating Middle Eastern societies ran into a set of intellectuals that based themselves on religious text. This was alongside the appearance of gentry of democratic thought that followed Western models. This is a time that early social democratic intellectuals are also formed in these societies. All three are set, together and apart, by the early 20th century.
Politics, the expression of opposites, the living medium of social interaction and class struggle, is a combination of the above three.  It is ornate with liberal, Sharaa, and social democratic thought. It is a fact that continues to define the face of politics in Southwest Asia, Eastern republics of the former USSR, Middle East and North Africa.
The Islamic Revolution of Iran and the Arab Spring, in a span of three decades, serve a combined menu of the separation of church-and-state and unification of church-and-state at history table. This twin agenda of history is stressed by the army’s coup d’état in Egypt and civil war in Syria spilling into Iraq. Iran, during the last three plus decades since 1979, and for long decades prior to that, perhaps offers the biggest book on the twin agenda.
Unification of two historic trends, towards and away from the separation of church and state, is in essence the need of a dual government. This is an artifact unknown to the development model of Western capitalism’s classical history. The governance of Orf giving birth to the need of Orf-Sharaa governances.
In the Islamic territories, a government of the people, for the people and by the people contains both elements. Herein, the religious and democratic components so seemingly absolved in the Western model, distinguish, and come to their own independent fruition to combine. Here is a much wider door of democracy leading into historical realm, when Orf was up to the same task performed two centuries ago in the West.
  1. American Bill of Rights of 1791

The Orf platform for human, civil and political rights, the content to shell of the right to self-determination, the common ground of national development is best expressed by the Declaration of Independence of 1776 and the Bill of Rights 1791. America cannot be discovered twice nor can the bill of rights of people achieved through a string of western classical democratic revolutions the basis of accepted and acclaimed human rights of our times worldwide.
The American Bill of Rights of 1791 compiles a set of postulates that are common charter of numerous communities during the process of American Revolution (1776) that come together in an anti-colonial upsurge. Its endurance is the world human heritage. A number of highlights of the Bill of Rights, establish the following.
Prohibition of the law with respect to the establishment of religion by the government, or to impede its free exercise. Freedom of speech, press and assembly. The right of people to keep and bear arms. Against unreasonable searches and seizures, protection against self-incrimination, no person shall be compelled to witness against him/herself and due process of law, the right to trial by impartial jury, against cruel and unusual punishment.
The Bill of Rights is an expression of peoples of national domain. It expresses broad urban communities, and by extension rural communities, popular stance of all society during national independence and development including the Middle Eastern countries.
The Bill of Rights extends to social and economic rights during present national development and provides the foundation of constitutional rights within national development, the basis for any new constitution. It is the medium for the perpetuation of the right to self-determination. Without its framework, politics falls short of goals of independence. As it can never be truly popular no matter how much support it garners. National development gets deprived of its natural base of civil and political rights, economic and social rights.
Constitutional and judicial reform require application of the Bill of Rights. Orf judicial standing defined by the Bill of Rights, the basic rights of nation, nationality, ethnicity, religion and gender that can speak through the protection of the individual, provide for the unifier of judicial system and populace. A dual court is a union that serves the greater union of a nation(s). The Bill of Rights provides validity to constitution and law, the elixir to Sharaa law and judiciary.
The erosion of protections guaranteed under the Bill of Rights in the United States and the rest of imperial domain, evidenced by Washington establishment of a network of secret prisons, interrogation and torture, concentration camps like Guantanamo Prison, drone assassination of hundreds in West Asia and Middle East societies, including women, children and American citizens at its disposal is further reason for the promotion of Bill of Rights throughout the national domain, the advocacy of dual governance and judiciary among the national domain units in West Asia to North Africa.
In Afghanistan and Iraq, evidence shows the system of judiciary and prisons installed under Washington’s supervision are complements to the system of suspension of protections offered by the Bill of Rights as practiced in places like Guantanamo Prison. In these two countries, evidence is that the judicial systems do not serve the interest of extending the rights of nation-nationality, civil and political rights, and protection of the Bill of Rights. The ruling capitalism finds it more expedient to suspend or abrogate the Bill of Rights.  This reality undercuts the viability of Human Rights and NGO government organizations. Adding NGOs to the government structure, among protectorate or other forms of governments, has not indicated the resolution of any of the related fundamental problems.
In contrast popular actions express the natural affinity with the planks of Bill of Rights in all the countries of region. Popular and independent national organization offers the basis of solution.
Bill of Rights introduces dual judiciary to existing Sharaa judiciary and can act as its savior. It is the foremost expression of immediate and historical interest of communities and populace, who are engaged in national development and sovereign governance, world over. It is the healer to Sharaa courts in places like Iran.
  1. Dual Judiciary

The Orf judicial structures would improve through coupling with Sharaa judiciaries. The Sharaa judicial structures can become national enablers and not national dividers only through recourse to Orf. The practice of both variants are present in the region. Popular union and organization, unity of Orf and Sharaa among such wide spectrum, the requirement for dual judiciary, is missing.
The judiciary requires a dual court system. Orf and Sharaa simultaneous adjudication of justice. Orf need not or can parody Sharaa judiciary definition. Nor does Sharaa need to parody or define Orf as it repeatedly tries, without success, in the legal definitions advanced, for example by Sharaa governance in Iran. Through Sharaa coupling with independent Orf justice, exercise of the protection of Bill of Rights, the political and social rights of individuals and populace can be secured.
The above is indicated by development of Sharaa courts in countries such as Iran (since the February 1979 revolution), Afghanistan (since the USSR intervention and occupation of Afghanistan in December of 1979) and Saudi Arabia since inception (1932). As well as secular courts of new state organization in Iran and Turkey that suppressed Sharaa judiciaries under the guise of modernism through establishment of autocracy or dictatorship, present Pakistan which faces Sharaa insurgency, or Syria with regards to its Sunni uprising. All in all a century of region wide data and metadata points to the need of dual courts.
The absence of a dual judiciary can become epoch-making in terms of harm as indicated in Iran between 1360 (1981) and 1367 (1989) when thousands of centrist youth were executed in two major waves during the indicated dates in response to criminal terror bombing and little disturbances and isolated armed actions at political stress point and boundary of the right to self-determination. In this instance, Centrism wrapped and led by a host of Mashroote ruling politicians, including the 1st president of the country, arrive at political suicide.
Isolated terror bombings represent no sizable threat, though they take away scores of first-rate statesmen of Sharaa governance. Independent popular street action supported by the entire country in response to the first major blast, renders the attempt futile. There is no need for suppression measures by Sharaa judiciary and security as witnessed but proper political approach to uproot such violence that in the end is not even supported by any of its partisans during detainment.
Instead, the motion and dynamics of ruling group, various state armed, judicial and security units drives otherwise. Sizable executions are portrayed as the solution to problems of terror bombings.
Among the detainees and fallen in street actions are sons and daughters of clerical leaders of high standing. One is an armed grandson of the founder of the Islamic Republic who is a supporter of Centrist action. The request for action by the local security in the East of country travels to the grandfather at the helms. The instruction is that his arms are taken away and he is brought to Tehran on security watch and not to be taken to Evin.
The development of the Sharaa judiciary is taking place before the eyes of the leaders. Can anyone do something about it? Sharaa judiciary during this dynamics is up to perform the impossible. As there is no possibility for justice without dual Orf-Sharaa judiciary. What trains by ruling development during this exercise comes to hinder national political development, its own brand of Sharaa political development. It becomes a device to inflict pain when the overall system is in need of cohesion and collaboration, and already is suffering from enough pain due to imperial opposition.
  1. Downward Spiral of Sharaa Judiciary Once Upon Separation from Orf

Evidence indicates that Sharaa prosecution and the court system become a series of judicial proceedings kept secret from the public, as well as the infliction of physical harm during interrogation and waves of executions (1360). It is a system that operates under a hierarchy of top judiciary of the country that produces a number of show trials. Along this process runs the judiciary that remained from the royal autocracy that deals with common crimes and civil disputes. Thieves and criminals at times face an even harsher circumstance of physical harm during secret interrogation in Aagaahi. What comes to harm is mercy, kinship, justice, national security, and sovereignty, as well as violations of the protections offered by the Bill of Rights.
The net result of the above period, in the absence of the Orf bench at the Sharaa judiciary in Iran, is digression to say the least.  Governance utilizes the opportunity of collision of Centrism with the right to self-determination to conduct successive executions, define repressive measures and remove independent politics as Sharaa judicial standard of the country.
Within the Sharaa prison system the absence of Orf cries loud and harsh. Whereas it is required of the judicial system to make a point that no detainee is there for holding any sets of views, the judicial system put into vengeance spin by the dynamics, seeks cleansing of ideology and politics held by detainees. Tobeh (penitence), a requirement of Sharaa rules of ideological promotion or digression, is applied to where it does not apply. The right to free conscience and belief, a human boundary of Orf that is outside of Sharaa dictum.
The above political process is no new invention, but a Sharaa governance version similar to McCarthyism in the United States (1950-56) that is tailored to a Sharaa paradigm. To level accusations of disloyalty, subversion, or treason to restrict dissent or political criticism. In factories the policy pursued by Sharaa governance is to isolate the educated members of workforce at the line of production through harassment, firing and/or incarceration. A policy that strikes and endangers sovereign governance.
Within less than two years after the cycle of terror bombing-executions, all the main political components of independent politics are suppressed. The latter is what crowns the suppression of armed rebellion of Islamic-centrist by Sharaa governance.
The barometer of the above is the treatment of Tudeh party. A generation before 1979 revolution, Tudeh, at its apex before the coup d’état of 1953, is the largest Communist Party in the Middle East. It has bled more of any independent political tendency of modern history of Iran prior to 1979 revolution. The party suffered a most horrible political and moral defeat upon imposition of regime of coup d’état of 28th of Mordad (August 1953). It never recovered from this defeat.
Tudeh propagated a policy of support to Islamic Republic during post-1979. The imprisonment of the leadership (1983) and many members/supporters and the execution of over seventy leaders and ranking members of Tudeh party (1989) is on such a basis. Upon arrest, Tudeh leaders now enter the paradigm of Tobeh setup in Islamic judiciary during suppression of Islamic-centrist. Leading Tudeh members accept Tobeh further removing any basis for harsh penalty. However, to no avail.
In the end, suppression of Tudeh party breaks to pieces a complete museum of political history of the country that served Stalin-Moscow worldwide program during a span of half a century.
In this same period, independent socialists of the weekly Kargar are suppressed and imprisoned, and maintain their political approach and views. This includes independent socialists, whose function is open, peaceful and legal, scores of whom are chiefly among the manufacture and industrial social milieu and its Basseej. During the period of 1979-83 at times this political tendency experience a highest per capita of short-term arrests by Islamic Committees and imprisonment by Sharaa judiciary.
Numerous arrests and imprisonment leads to same day release, or in a few days, weeks or months and no charges. In two instances there is precedence of court trial and conviction. Once, during the nascent Arab upsurge in Khuzestan (1980), two sentences for life imprisonment of the two female prisoners in Ahwaz issued in a closed trial, the sentence later rescinded and all 14 detainees released in less than one year. The other, three days of closed trial after two years and forty five days of incarceration (1983-89), and sentencing to less than 10 years, for editor of weekly Kargar and the central representative of the tendency, latter ruling never rescinded though early release from incarceration is granted by judiciary.
  1. To Open Orf and Sharaa Judiciary to One Another

Through dual judiciary all the conflicts, stemming from the divergences of Sharaa and Orf views, find a peaceful medium of resolution and through Orf finality justice serves the populace. Civil and political liberty is a natural right to protect.
Sharaa spectrum of judicial views, various interpretations of Qissass (retaliation), including what is viewed as uncommon within the spectrum, find the opportunity for expression once judicial process has safeguard of options and protections of independent Orf ruling for each and every judicial process in camera.
Dual judiciary can provide national development the ability to do away with a source of deep conflict espoused by government leaderships when it comes to morality, law, punishment and justice. Orf is the bedrock of Sharaa judiciary through parallel processing. Sharaa insistence upon its views finds a way to resolve through recourse to Orf standing and finality.
The recent development of Islamic ruling by ISIL or similar factions indicates the impossibility of Sharaa judiciary without Orf ruling, and protections of Bill of Rights, beheadings based on nationality, ethnicity or religion and sales of women captured from cities considered blasphemous. Likewise, the impossibility of the Damascus dictatorship without its recognition of Sunni population’s governances, gas warfare and barrel bombs. In both instances, the alignment of ruling tendency against national sovereignty and protection of Bill of Rights indicate the problem.

  1. The Salvos of Sharaa Governance
  1. Sharaa Governance in the Region of Energy and Agriculture
Sharaa governance’s foremost modern expression since 1979 is the Islamic Republic of Iran, the same time that Sharaa politics found an array of expressions across the region. It is a phenomena present and original in the early stages of national development of the 20th century in question and thereafter.
Sharaa rule, in this instance, enters upon the dynamics of popular upsurge for the right to self-determination that is opposed by imperial domain. Subsequent history is shaped by the overriding of opposition.
Washington’s enlisting and delisting of undesirable countries, political groups and individuals continuously finds reasons to enlist Iran and oppose her national sovereignty. It seems to be asking Iran to go back on its revolution—an impossibility—as it converges further upon directing sanctions and sabotage against the country.
Whereas imperial collaboration is necessary to rebuild capitalism in a country like Iran, instead, a string of wars and continuous policy definition by Washington for a new military engagement has acted as the most forceful spur to further instability of status quo in the region. Making it, a little or a lot (depending on various ruling class faction pronouncements), difficult for capitalism and its ruling classes to sort out collaboration with imperial centers.
Washington has promoted its policy, including its wars of 21st century in Afghanistan, Iraq and beyond, with an eye to close in on Iran, the strategic prize it feels was lost with the revolution of 1979.
Washington’s taking out of the Baghdad Baathist dictatorship, an ardent Iran foe, and yet still driving the opposition to Tehran, indicates the evidence. Likewise, a repeat scenario can be expected with regard to a new Iran foe, a smaller entity, namely ISIL, waging a campaign of terror in vast territories of northwest Iraq. All said and done, Washington expects returns on investments in its wars and diplomacy to show dividends in its isolation from Iran the country it chose to break diplomatic relations with in 1978.  Enlisting Tehran and Moscow in the current imperial campaign does not change the fundamentals of rejection of the right to self-determination pursued by Washington.
There seems no recourse but to respect Iranian sovereignty as the central political solution to the regional dynamics, if Washington wants peace and not war. A dynamic that already attempts to press and persuade Tehran to seek a proper popular, peaceful and non-military demeanor by the numerous objects making and running the regional contradictions and conflicts. Popular readiness, reliance, and the option for dual governance of Orf-Sharaa indicates as the central necessary element within country body politic.
Convergence with Moscow and Tehran alliance with Damascus is now the Washington policy solution to Syria and wider Middle East crisis.  All the major parties stand aligned since more than three decades ago, opposing powers during former USSR entry to Afghanistan, or during 8-year Iraq war against Iran.  The outcome of military invasion/assistance against what is termed as war on terror will not prove any better based on the record of over 30 years.  It used to be a territory of independent political tendencies aligned with Moscow to control the popular movements, like before the 28th of Mordad coup (1953), during acute political crisis.  Now comes the direct military engagements utilizing the cracks produced by collapsed sovereignty and growth of Sunni-Baathist trends like ISIL with a hope to stabilize the region in question.

  1. Region under the Impact of a Decade of U.S. Wars

Washington’s policy in countering Iran development, finds ways to exacerbate the contradictions in more major ways: 21st century military campaigns in Afghanistan and Iraq labeled as war on terror.
These wars are pursuant to the futile attempt of secular-Sunni regime of Baathism in Baghdad, when it seeks to expand its base, and couple two oil-country units under its rule (1993 Gulf War). The latter is after the failed attempt of 8-year war against Iran revolution (1981-89) that is backed by the U.S. domain. The forced annexation of Kuwait by Baghdad in 1993 is perhaps the blueprint for all present fiefdoms and Caliphates pursued by its Sharaa-Sunni political permutations. This is now launched in mainly non-oil geographic areas, such as in Syria and Iraq where a mostly Sunni populace resides, as well as oil rich Libya.
In between Washington’s major military campaign, there have been repeated Israeli wars, conducted for days and many weeks. These are like shock and awe boot-camps, or bloody symposiums, enacted by Tel Aviv against Lebanon, West Bank and Gaza, each time utilizing minor adventures at the border by an armed unit. This war policy has spurred the evolution of Intifada rock throwing to primitive missile production and launch by ruling Palestinian Sunni-Sharaa factions in Gaza. Replacing a youth uprising and rage rock throwing with live ammunition or primitive explosive projectiles flaunts the legitimacy of an Intifada before all else.
The Israeli military’s most modern technology in air/space, sea and ground, bombing and sweep operations, is deployed against urban settings, buildings, moving vehicles, beach gathering, schools, hospitals, civilian populations, safe havens and infrastructure. A net result is that thousands, mostly civilians and children, are dead, with many more injured, and entire communities are uprooted through destruction and billions of dollar of damage to the livelihood and infrastructure of populations under assault.
To level buildings, conduct high-tech assassination or take out homemade low impact missile or projectile launchers through display of sheer military might and power of destruction is treated as a rational response with expected collateral damage.
The ruling Palestinian adversary, armed with light and primitive military arsenal, can go nowhere with its arsenal but into burrows and tunnels. However, this is a policy that works against itself. The more tunnels, the more exposure to the false nature of political orientation is before the populace, the more awareness to incorrect justifications employed by conflict driven ruling policy. The tally of constructed and destructed tunnels leads to an understanding of the need of peaceful and united popular conduct: the only light from the darkness of the tunnel that seems to shine upon the populace.
  1. Division - Union of Orf-Sharaa and Scourge of anti-Semitism

Among Palestinians, a deep division among its Orf and Sharaa ruling wings is the current order of broken sovereignty. Yet, perhaps due to the legacy of the PLO’s past inclusiveness, Palestine might have more chance to come to a union of Orf-Sharaa.
The ruling Palestinian leadership is like any other regional leadership or a national movement leadership like in Ukraine, the latter faced with an enclave of war against Ukraine independence in the east due to Moscow policy.
National movement leaderships organize government and state according to existing models. In Palestine, the model is Arab regimes, in Kiev it is Moscow and East European states. However, springing into action a uniform state, tools of government, given the constraints of ruling capitalism, is more a theoretical and think-tank exercise than practical endeavor. Most often a broken sovereign governance is the result when the dynamics is one to achieve union, governance of governances, through independent policy and suffers from inability.
The task faced by Palestinian ruling groups is no different than ruling groups in Tehran, Ankara, Cairo, and all the large and small capitals of the region.  The broken sovereignty will not be mended without Sharaa/Islamic ruling faction accepting dual governance of Orf-Sharaa of one leadership of Palestine through rejection of anti-Semitism. To do so would be to heed to popular and Orf mandate with regard to civil and political liberties, an end to ‘spy’ execution practice in Palestinian Gaza.  
The Islamic tendency, both among Palestinians occupied territories and Lebanon, the former Sunni and the latter Shi’a, was welcomed initially as a counterweight to PLO by Israel and the United States. Within a few years imperial policy holds Palestinian Islamic and armed identity against her national sovereignty, as when it rejected the results of election of Islamic leadership to power in Gaza (2010). What follows is a path indicated by a string of Tel Aviv wars. It is not hard to find or concoct justifications for such wars by Tel-Aviv given the nature of activity by opposition camps among Palestinians.
Imperial objection to Sharaa tendency winning Gazan elections decided on the tendency’s lack of recognition of Israel is without basis. The opinion of a leadership about Israel or any other matter has the least to do with anything, including the recognition of Palestine sovereignty. The latter, no matter what the opinion of the conflicting parties, offers an immediate basis for removal of all blood tension and physical conflict of Israel versus Palestine.
Imperial policy reaps benefits from the split of ruling tendencies but the dynamics will spur convergence of the two poles of Palestinian leadership in West Bank and Gaza by popular expression. What the policy has reaped is a series of new settlements and wars, which seem paltry gains from driving at the division of Palestine leadership. The cost-benefit of application of such policy, as it is taught in the university, business and political management, given the larger context of regional politics, does not seem to accrue for imperial interest and benefit.
Paltry gains, for history knows full-well that such resource as division and disorientation by ruling Palestinian factions cannot supply forever. People wise up, and often the perpetrators of missile-ism, become isolated.
The unconditional recognition of Palestinian rights, instead of denunciation of Palestinians as a people-religion-terror, is to shut the door to anti-semitism, against both Jew and Arab, and open the door to civil and non-violent discourse in the region. Israeli Jews can safeguard their rights only through recognition of equal rights for Palestinian-Arabs as has been pointed out throughout the history of creation of Israel and driving the Palestinians out. Much like the rest of the world, a nation cannot be free if it oppresses another nation.
Palestine requires a peaceful, urban, and united organization that can practice what is denied to it by Israel: civil, political, and national liberties. It needs its society to uphold and flourish artistic and intellectual freedoms that outshine Israel’s brute force and violence ruling culture that is promoted against a land of no-due-process-of-law and no protections called Gaza and West Bank.
A leaflet from Palestine that states proper policy and asks for restoration of its full rights, a peaceful demeanor, is more valuable than infinite missiles and projectiles. When Palestinians stand firm on the rights of Jews to a secure homeland, Palestine and Israel is at once large enough to hold both.  Only a joint effort for protection from anti-Semitism worldwide directed against Jews can secure a Palestinian homeland.  
There are two oppressions, one much older and one more recent in terms of history, represented by the conflict.  The much older is the continued anti-Semitism directed against Jews for centuries. Come the period of decline of capitalism history, it is highlighted by Nazi Germany before and during World War II.  The more recent is the continued denial of Palestinian national rights by Tel-Aviv, Washington, European powers and a string of governments of Middle Eastern Region since the second half of the past century.
The anti-Semitic inflection of ruling Palestinian parties, much like the ruling politics of the rest of the Middle East and North Africa, is mainly an imported artifact from imperial domain histories and practices prior, during, and after World War II. A highlight of which are Nasserist practices against Jews in Egypt. In more recent times, holocaust denial and propagation of Jewish or Zionist world conspiracies, such literature, get promoted by various ruling groups of the Middle East. The latter literature is an import that makes viral political visit to this region and finds an audience in political quarters shut to truth and independent politics.
This is not to say that the region of West Asia to North Africa history are free from vestiges of anti-Semitism. A Safavid or Qajar rule exhibits suppression of Jews and forced conversions to Islam. As anti-Semitism runs in many societies prior to capitalism. But no institutional anti-Semitism, as witnessed in industrialized societies, apex of which is practices of Nazi Germany prior and during World War II.
Prior to the revolution of 1979, the former Shah of Iran, Swiss educated, held to ‘Jewish conspiracy.’ Among ruling Mashroote and Mashrooa, with so many educated in the West, all over this political spectrum, from the right, to center and Left, there are indications of strokes of anti-Semitism upon the body politic. Among ruling politics, it is not hard to fathom where one is bred or one learns from, nor difficult to understand how it transmits to sections of independent politics as among traditional Leftists and Centrists.
However, anti-Semitism, pushed down by ruling factions, secular or non-secular, faces popular wisdom to the contrary by a society, like Iran, with the biggest Jewish minority of Middle East outside of Israel, and the respect for this community. Society finds more reasons every day to recognize and understand its diversity and union.
  1. Regional Destabilization: Status quo versus Status quo

The pursuit of imperial military campaigns of the 21st century ultimately provides much wider dimensions for the destabilization and rupture of the status-quo through the further collapse of sovereignty in a number of countries. The imperial military action presses matters in the direction of producing further partitions on the basis of the existing country partitions. A framework inherited in the most by arbitrary partitions and country definition of imperial Britain and France during post-World War I.
State disintegration is status quo of Syria and Iraq. Libya and Yemen. National sovereignty stands at its true light as governance of governances. The alignments produced by civil war or breakup of state expose force and inertia. National sovereignty as governance of governances is necessity and the contrary to a union, is an offshoot of decay and can only perish.
Everywhere in the region of West Asia to North Africa, are indicators of Iran experience through revolution and war. Everywhere the indications are that society requires both Orf and Sharaa to achieve stable governance. Mediation and discourse of the two, defines the urban container in Iran and elsewhere. Social core of nation-nationality, that encapsulates all urban and rural social classes, is the universal compound.
Can a country unit prove capable of achieving popular unity in face of the contrary produced by Washington wars and expanding military conflicts it has spawned? Only if the country can overcome its ruling political divisions in favor of union of Orf-Sharaa, popular organization and independent politics.
In Iran, a key example, the social core is saddled by the political problem of Sharaa governance distancing from Orf. When deepening partitions forced by disintegration of states in Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan, present further need of cementing popular union. Iran as a union with Afghan immigrant workforce with full citizen rights as everyone else, along each nationality of the country, Arab, Kurd, Turk, Gilak, Turkmen, Baluch and others flourishing national rights, union of women and youth, is a grand union of national development and can be a showcase before the Middle East and southwest Asia.
In Tehran, millions peacefully and silently marched in 1388 (2011), underscoring the strong element of Orf presence in political process. Action by millions and the popular demeanor to merge with Sharaa governance and establish full governance the dual governance reference and respect of Orf and Sharaa. This occurs against a backdrop of ruling politics consumed by bitter and hallow factional disputes that has not been able to put the broken pieces that result from 10th presidential election back together through a new election and 11th presidency administration.
Everywhere else where there is state fracture coupled with absence of popular participation of society, the matter is worse.
Iran, the strategic country of the region in alliance with the United States through the 1953 coup d’état, provides a prime set of data and metadata of national development politics. The country has successive revolutions and social upsurge as early as 1906, to 1946-53 and 1979. The political features of social struggles therefore has long established DNA and traits. It is an experience with illumination sought by the entire region.

  1. Iran Experience
The operations of the right to self-determination provides resemblance given the similarity of the social and political containers of the region.
Iran’s experience, in many ways, is corroborated by a litany of regional events since.  These include the more recent Arab Spring (2011), from Tunisia to Egypt, Yemen, and Bahrain, civil war in Libya, Syria, and Iraq and, to the time of the end of monarchy in Afghanistan in 1979, and the Palestinian movement in this period, as well as the Islamic resurgence in post-USSR Caspian and eastern Independent Republics.
At the same time, revolution of 1979 makes Iran’s experience unique. Sustained peaceful action of millions upon millions, and culmination of a revolution that eradicates monarchy makes it distinct. Monarchy is the specific form of nation-capital state, an autocratic governance, in the country. Abolition of monarchy, dismantling of SAVAK, purge of top brass of the 5th largest army in the world, and the ejection of sections of capitalists to outside the country indicate in the least, cracks in nation-capital state structure, if not a broken structure.
The experience of the Iraq-US backed invasion of 1981-89 deepened the break in state structures produced by the 1979 revolution, as the evidence of the state and economic organization, then and at present, seemed to indicate. Current appraisals point to the Iranian government as a state coupled with a deep state.
At the core of state stability is the requirement of a resolution of the national question. When the question is multi-faceted, it requires achievement of a union in state form, as in Iran, going backward on sovereignty to a pre-1979 revolution centralized autocratic state form is not easily accessible. Likewise, breakdown of union in state form depicts the lines of failure among national contenders in Libya, Syria, and Iraq or elsewhere that represent collapsed sovereignty or country breakup.
Iranian politics after the Iraq war (1980-88) are expressed by the three two-term presidencies of Sazandegi (construction), Esslahat (reform) and negation of the latter two by Entezar (awaiting resurrection).  None of the three presidencies is able to fulfill popular aspirations so much so that each has a less popular second term. The presidencies that follow Sazandegi are not a perceived sequence and come into being mostly through upsets, zigzag and discontinuity, each time pushed forward by popular vote and resulting in an administration that rejects the prior term with a new posture.
Incumbent Entezar presidency collides with the biggest peaceful street action of millions in Tehran since the revolution of 1979 during the contested election of 1388 (2009) that practically ends its prowess and posture during its second term.  Entezar authoritarian and bullying posture cloaked in populist verbiage dims the political prospects of the many aligned with the deep state.  The latest presidential term of E’etedal (moderation), elected in 2013, is the present administration that portrays itself as representing the mantle of the earlier presidencies prior to Entezar.  
The singular drive that connects these four chapters of national politics, the four Sharaa presidencies, that is behind the high and lows of popularity of its leading personalities, is the quest for realization of Orf by the absolute majority of the population. An objective requirement of Sharaa governance, when it has all vestiges of state power in its hands, is to deliver Orf. This simply is the popular expectation from the revolution of 1979 an expectation that continues unabated.
The singular government policy that connects these four presidential terms is continued income from oil import, obtaining foreign loans and credit (when available), the increase in non-oil exports, more trade with neighbors, and the cutting of the social wage through the rescinding of subsidies.  As a result Iran experiences debt trap after the Iraq war as well as rise and fall in oil prices and subsequently economic sanctions by Washington during the last decade plus.  All the same, governments during these successive terms follow and implement a policy of cutting the social wage, like removing subsidies in food and energy, as pursued by the universal ruling economic policy.
Iran GDP growth peeks in 2014 (the last year of higher oil prices) to over half a trillion dollars and per capita GDP is three times of 1979.  In terms of economic development government policy guidelines are mostly old state plans prior to the revolution, studies conducted by the United States or other major power agencies.  Development of hydroelectric power, construction of dams, increased electric production from thermal energy sources, infrastructure projects due to rapid urban development, manufacture of industrial equipment, expansion of petrochemical and other existing branches of industry notably indicated by auto manufacture (Iran produces over a half a million cars per year currently, down from over a million and a half in 2012, with over a half a million auto workers) is mostly based on these blueprints.  Industrial products of the country used by consumers are considered of low quality in comparison to imported ones.  
Economically, Iranian policy scores high on report cards of the IMF throughout the four administrations covering over two decades. A government policy that entails low growth or at times recession and double digit inflation and unemployment, where the populace feels the impact in all manners and indications. This is not due to lack of expertise by government cadre. In fact, the Arab Report, an index of a comprehensive capitalist solution produced by an array of scholars, politicians and statesmen, is most applied in Iran.
As a result of imperially-imposed economic sanctions against Iran—through the support of Moscow and Peking—a trend started by Washington’s diplomatic breakoff in the aftermath of the Revolution of 1979 and coupled with its policy of sabotage, assassination, and sanction, current economic growth is anemic at best. Ruling group seeks to reverse this trend through current nuclear agreement reached between Washington and Tehran by pricing/exchanging elements of national sovereignty and lifting of some of the sanctions.  National capitalism marks time for opening of economic space for more speculation, investment and growth for some time hoping to match higher growth rates experienced by some countries like Brazil (7.6 % in 2010 and 0.1% in 2014).  
Iran policy advocates private sector and expansion of tourism to address the economic problems the country faces.  The economy suffers from depression and idle industrial activity. There is no broad organization of the working populace to develop national public works, infrastructure and industrial expansion, to battle economic hardships, create full employment, and safeguard the standard of living of urban and rural majority populace as required of a peoples’ government.  The required essentials of independent national organization are all missing in Iran.
Most figures of the main data of the country’s economic reality are manmade. If one applies the index used by Chinese leadership, the Keqiang Index—namely the ‘three alternative indicators: electric consumption, volume of rail cargo, and bank lending’ —Iran’s economy is down on electric consumption, oil income, volume of trade, bank loans and once rampant real estate speculation/development. The banking system of the country is stacked with bad loans lent out for easy profit to the capitalist stakeholders.  The oversight of bank employees, as in many other sectors of economy, sprouted during the revolution of 1979 was abolished completely long ago immediately after the revolution.  The public, popular urban and rural society in Iran, is without independent oversight over the economy of the country.
In the absence of an all-embracing organization of urban employed, farmers, students and independent politics, Iran setting is akin to a utopia from national development historic standpoint. A setting with disjointed economic and political entities where there is only room for continuous haggle over the limited seats of government, management and state resources by contending ruling factions. A chaos of capitalist market and consumerism in the absence of independent national organization and politics.
  1. Regional Impact of Separation from Orf
Post-1979 data indicates that Sharaa governance in Tehran is not able to stand out as a unifier or gel during policy interplay with friend and foe. The separations from Orf does not serve it well when it requires the government to steer the principled politics of the right to self-determination.
The embrace of famed leader of PLO in Tehran (1979) who has travelled to world stage after a revolution from Beirut, an embrace of friends that, however, is short lived as Sharaa governance swerves upon its distance from Orf and finds similar response from the other side that ultimately inclines on the side of Iraq during its invasion of Iran.  The history of long isolation of Palestinian leadership, deprived from a meaningful support from friendly Middle Eastern regimes, continues.
PLO leadership is a non-Sharaa political entity, a type of Mashroote DNA of its own setting, with no appetite for Sharaa governance. The division continue all the same during the times of appearance and ascendancy of Hamas. Addition of a Sharaa political component by Hamas, the latter a Sunni Sharaa spectrum of type Mashroote-Mashrooa political DNA, is a further expression of the issue. An evolution and division among ruling factions, for over two decades, that indicate likewise separation from popular orientation for peaceful and broad independent organization.
There seems no other remedy than Sharaa standing with Orf for Tehran to be able to gel with all the politics outside, all the variations of Sharaa and Orf that form during this period of rise of Sharaa politics. In each instance, to be the healer of division and mistrust, and the unifier of national development.
The Iranian revolution of 1979’s impact on Saudi Arabia, in a shaken region of former Shah Allies, indicates something similar. The inauguration of Sharaa governance in Iran broke the political isolation of Saudi Arabia and Sunni Sharaa governance that prior was mostly confined to. The failure in full recognition of Orf in Tehran, like advancing the national rights of Arabs in Khuzestan, strips Sharaa governance from its proper posture when facing, posing, reaching or confronting Riyadh. The latter standing up as a rival supported by Washington in the power vacuum created by the revolution of 1979.
A fact that would haunt Tehran during the pursuing history as during the 1983 Haj in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, when hundreds of pilgrims are gunned down. Such interaction is inconceivable once Sharaa governance stance, is union with Orf, fraternity, and peace which also expresses at the Haj pilgrimage. A political tendency that through union with Orf safeguards itself and the plight of sovereign governance.  Whereas the policy followed by Tehran is to upstage Mecca leadership through anti-Americanism and anti-Semitism.  The same dialogue is evident by ruling policy put forward in response to deadly stampede during this year Haj with loss of life for over a thousand pilgrims, many hundreds Iranian, among them ranking politicians from the country.
The wide Sunni Sharaa political spectrum, regenerating at this time, now hosts political tendencies that reject Orf.  A ruling platform of Sunni Sharaa that rejects Orf all together as evidenced by the consequent evolution of its ruling factions in Afghanistan, —since the entry of USSR (1980)— Iraq, Syria and elsewhere—since the U.S. wars of 21st century.
Afghanistan (1980-98) is an ample evidence of the above. When the Taliban came into power at the tail end of a decade of deep political strife of Afghan political evolution, exacerbated by the entry and occupation of USSR army, the result was similar.
The 1998 killings of Iran diplomats in Mazar-i-Sharif by the new Taliban power, an action not conceivable if Tehran’s Sharaa governance stance was one of unification and the mediation of Orf and Sharaa. The sanctity of the consulate would stand with the healing attitude and policy towards all Afghan factions, government and opposition, before they face the deep ruling conflict that culminates in the Taliban victory (1996).
  1. Enter Saudi and Sunni Sharaa Political Development

Shiite Sharaa governance in Tehran increased the lot of the entire spectrum of Sharaa politics from Tunisia to Pakistan.
The rise of Sharaa governance in Iran points to the revival of Sunni politics and militancy in the region. Washington and its allies waste no time coming up with Islamic alliances that counter Iran. Within three decades, the policy goes to its very opposite: there is the announcement of “War on Terror” launched against Sunni politics in both its Sharaa and secular facets, and against the very same Washington alliances formed to counter the Islamic Republic in Afghanistan and Iraq.
The entry of Saudi-Sunni politics during post 1979-revolution of Iran is at a time witness to disintegration of Nasserism in Egypt. This cul-de-sac of Baathism is divided and unpopular, in Iraq and Syria. It is an extraction of this past politics in the new Sharaa-Sunni form as the contestant for the main driver of Arab ruling politics. A radicalism that creates havoc wherever it strikes.
In Afghanistan, Islamic politics start with opposition to USSR and Communism. With the departure of the USSR, the ruling tendencies turn to anti-Semitism and anti-Americanism. Within two decades plus, the permutations are an enclave of conflict that are suppressed by the governance of the Taliban. The latter represent separation from Orf, rejection of inclusive Afghan way of life, through application of violence, and become the lead ruling force among the Pashtun.  At the Taliban side is a band of zealots, mostly non-Afghan nationals that introduce 911 terror and Al-Qaida to political vocabulary. Sunni replication of Sharaa governance through suppression of all political rivals, institution of extreme intrusion and violence against women, stalls Afghanistan and holds it back. The price of separation of Sharaa from Orf is deep indeed everywhere. The deeper the separation the more harm.
Within two decades there are many more Islamic ruling political products. Turkey embraces its version of Ikhvan in KDP, a new brand of the Sunni Islamic trend that wins successive elections in a major way, until recently when it runs into the obstacles of its own policy among Kurds and many Turks and has to settle with a minority election victory.  They are currently trying to win back support through war against PKK and suppression of Kurds.
Highly urbanized Turkey (72%, 2013) demonstrates the general trends of the rise of Sunni politics in the region. In this trend, there are social explosions, revolt against dictatorships as in Libya and Syria.  In Turkey, government martial law and suspension of rights for Kurdish groups and areas is not popular.  The government policy promotes the unprecedented nearly a hundred killed from twin explosions in Ankara’s peace rally (October 11, 2015).  There is talk that Turkey is heading towards being ungovernable once it aligns policy against Kurds in Syria and at home.  Independent governance requires Kurdish national rights, as well as governance of all the other nationalities, for the concerned countries of the region.  
In Syria (2011), Sunni political revivals to the Damascus dictatorship have wide popular protests behind them. Yet, the evolution is one of violent mayhem between many rival armed groups that have little hesitation to physically eliminate of opponents or adversaries. Once Damascus opts for civil war, the ruling Sunni political revival saddles the nascent urban Sunni upsurge against Baathist dictatorship with more problems than solutions. None of the liberated zones become a heaven for a regime of collaboration and democracy that Damascus has denied the Syrian society for so long but enclaves of strict Sharaa or otherwise rule, forceful suspension of contrary discourse and deep separations of Sharaa from Orf.
Sunni political leadership follows the failure of past secular tendencies, like Nasserism and Baathism: when history has no easy path to rise of a royal despot or Kemalist dictatorship of 1920s like in Iran and Turkey or Nasserist dictatorship of 1950s in Egypt. To suppress all rivals and opponents and establish a bigotry discourse with independent manifestations of popular conduct does not provide lasting results. The Sunni entity defined as Caliphate or fiefdom, seeks a new form of Arab unity, along the very same footprints of past secular leaderships, when nation and national development has worn out the old secular setup, formulas and dogma of suppression of religion, nationality and ethnicity, or violations of women rights based on secular or non-secular preferences of ruling faction occur.   
The indicators are similar in Egypt.
In Egypt, the impact of the Arab Spring—the sustained actions of tens of millions—goes through a rapid rise and fall of the Sharaa-Ikhvan political tendency, its utter negation by popular and broad Tamarod, only to arrive at the army institution as the new arbiter. Nation-capital state, its repressive apparatus, the organization of economy, remain basically intact. The nation-capital state is not pushed ajar enough, for, Sunnis, Shiites, Christians and others in Egyptian nation, to step in and achieve popular unity. The conflict of Sharaa-secular, instead of dual governance of the two, carries the day.  Egypt under Ikhvan leadership rejects the grass-root unity of Islamic-Christian-Orf components to express in independent organization to move forward with the agenda of the Arab Spring.
The nub of the Egypt experience: Sharaa political tendency to distance or oppose Orf expressions can prove lethal once popular actions of Tamarod are universal, when Sharaa needs to be the expression and not the opposition to Tamarod. Otherwise, the state can couple with Tamarod for the moment and turn things away from popular solutions as evidenced by the military coup-election governance. Egypt’s coup, launched by a defense minister, seems an inevitable ruling dynamics, as the army would step in with or without a given defense minister.
The civil war imposed on Syria by Damascus (2011-present) is an extension of the government attempt to uproot popular Sunni protests. Iran-Russia influence on the civil war in support of the Damascus dictatorship, like the actions of Lebanese Hezbollah, has, instead of raising the white flag of peace, helped the government foster the war-ravaged cities and millions of refugees—over two hundred thousand dead from the civil war so far. It has weakened the stance of sovereignty throughout the region where its benefits are required the most.
The political evolution of anti-dictatorship opposition to the dominant Sunni-Sharaa factions, such as ISIL (Islamic State of Iraq and Levant) that distance or reject Orf expressions along gender, ethnicity and religion lines is a byproduct of the United States occupation of Iraq and Syria’s government civil war policy against popular revolt. ISIL, a Sharaa-Sunni entity evolves as the negation of secular-Shiite Baathism in Damascus from an earlier formation in Iraq during U.S. occupation. It is a permutation of secular-Sunni Iraq Baathism into its Sharaa-Sunni form. It emerges out of the Syrian opposition and becomes its nemesis.
In Iraq, the ISIL enterprise can only generate further the rise of Shiite and Kurds, which is far more consequential than the fate of ISIL armed units in Northern Iraq. Military action produces further shifts on the already displaced grounds produced by the US occupation of Iraq that impact region wide. Iraq oil is mostly where Shiite and Kurd resides.
The extension of the ISIL Syrian context to Iraq, a seemingly cakewalk of overrunning a number of cities where Baghdad army pack up and leave, compiles more contradiction for the tendency than it can fathom. In Iraq, press for Sunni governance is upon demise of Baath regime and state, through the United States occupation in 2003. To re-create a center for organized violence against women, Shiite, Yazidis, Christians, Turkmen and Kurd is not a pathway to Iraq’s future that is easily open to anyone. The thrust for governance of governances in Iraq is preponderant by the example of Eghlim-e Kurdistan.  The total negation of Iraq’s multiple nations, ethnicity and women rights by ISIL-Baathist alliance can expect the least fortunes.
ISIL’s program of war has indicated its antidote in defense by resolute cities and nations that encompasses collaboration by Orf and Sharaa elements like the Kobani and Kurdish regions in Syria. To flourish the right of nation, nationality, and ethnicity-religion, dual governance of Orf-Sharaa and establish the protections of the Bill of Rights, and economic and social rights, the Sunni in Iraq are called upon to facilitate the protection/sovereignty of Shiites and Kurds. The latter are also hampered by the ruling Shiite leadership when it comes to full recognition of Kurd national right and cementing governance of governances.  This is a right that is central to union of Orf-Sharaa (both Shi’a and Sunni) and independent government in Iraq.
In sum, Sharaa political expressions that distance themselves from Orf, whether in an Egyptian setting of urban popular renewal, or in a Syria torn by Damascus civil war, or Iraq dismembering along Sunni enclave ISIL led war waged against Shiite, Kurd, Yazidis and Turkmen, further weaken or tear national sovereignty.  In Iraq an oil rentier state has broken into many smaller rentier states by government or incipient government ruling tendencies.  Kurdish sovereignty and national rights points to the future out of this bloody mayhem as it portrays a rise of nationality to state level.  The popular union of cities and nationality—among youth, women, tribes, professionals, crafts, small business, working people of urban and rural—a union among Shi’a, Sunni and Kurd that ultimately seeps into ISIL held cities and territories, is the only firm defense and peace flag than can uproot sectarian fratricide.
Politics in the region, whether a state led society, a dictatorship fall from grace through war as in Syria, or stateless void for the contending social forces as created in the pockets of civil war, filled with sectarian and brutal armed bands, requires peaceful demeanor of the right to self-determination and sovereign governance. Popular united mobilization and recognition of nationality rights across the region is the solution that can offer the upper hand to breakup of state structures and ruling tendencies by disintegration of dictatorships and the emergence of an array of armed groups that in general infringe or reject popular rights or in particular declare war on ethnicity, gender, nationality and Orf way of life and tear apart the country’s plight to union, freedom and independence of its constituencies.
In Syria, it requires relinquishing Damascus’s dictatorship power, both military and civilian, into popular organs and populations in all the areas under government’s control, immediate peace, and an end to the civil war.  A solution to the Syria’s civil war requires no air force raids and no outside intervention directly or indirectly fostering the Damascus dictatorship.  The atrocities committed, like beheadings, execution of hundreds, and sales of women, in the areas under the command of ISIL or by other methods employed by groups of Syrian opposition, is no match in terms of threat to the present civil war led by Damascus.
Through the events relating to the rise of Sunni-Sharaa governance again and against the task of unification of Shiite-Sharaa tendency with Orf, the weakness of Iran’s solution stand out. In Iran, where urban and somewhat peaceful discourse among ruling political groups, holding Sharaa elections, for over three decades, is the norm of the country, the bloody conflicts of Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan are reinforcements to the need to open society to independent social organization and unification of Sharaa with Orf in governance.
  1. The Formula for Broken Sovereignty and Civil War

The anomaly of ruling politics results from the cracks and breaks of state structure during national development.
Fissures and breaks of state as a result of a revolution like in Iran 1979 that open possibilities of sovereign governance or collapsed sovereignty in Afghanistan and Iraq, which Washington policy, knowingly or not, intended or unintended, finds the opportunity for supplanting additional broken state structures through military occupations of 21st century can only be remedied by peaceful popular action.
Suddenly, building upon collapsed sovereignty offers no stable ground for imperial policy. Nothing of the like is experienced during last century by the British and French empires. The material difference is the possibility and yearning of national development in the entire region. Once blocked by imperial policy it spews various forms of ruling national politics in the divided secular-Sharaa forms.
These circumstances result in a multitude of ruling armed groups in incipient or developed state forms depending on the circumstances of rise or collapse of national sovereignty that define the shape of ruling politics marred by such divisions. It is a fact further exemplified by recent history in the region of Near East and North Africa, as in Libya, Syria or Iraq, and more recently Yemen. Everywhere in the region, evidence indicates nation-capital state weaker in comparison to the vast populations that are organized under its rule. Everywhere seems to face the same set of conditions that emphasize the need to overcome the disarray of state by united independent populace.
Throughout the process, broken sovereignty evolves towards armed conflict. Nowhere has popular response been able to overcome the conflict, whether spurred by a Damascus dictatorship in Syria or collapse of Libyan dictatorship through civil war or state void in Iraq upon the breakup of secular-Sunni Baathist dictatorship through the U.S. military occupation or similarly in Afghanistan.
The one exception is Iran, during the post-1979 decade, that lives up to armed conflict of terror bombing and national war and, within limits, puts this behind and may be able to use the lessons of the past through extension of popular will and independent dialogue, as expressed by the peaceful millions silent march of 1388 in Tehran to respect Orf and the rights of political independence.
The main telling from the shape of ruling politics and its history of political conflict is the need for a healer of political divisions that can serve the populace and that can only be provided by independent organization, development and politics as it seeks the amelioration of conflict through popular union and organization.
  1. To Raise the White Flag of National Development

A policy guided by the Sharaa-Orf union in Iran would raise the white flag as the solution to conflict and civil war in Syria. The responsibility of civil war, carnage, countless death, devastation and forcing millions of Syrians to become refugees, is on the Syria government. It is futile to pin the responsibility on interventions by imperial centers, as the latter does not follow the interest of national development and sovereignty during peace or civil war time. The responsibility is Damascus’s. The latter failed the protests of its Sunni populace by suppression. The grounds for solution of all the political groupings of a wide spectrum of Sunni or secular opposition is respect to Sunni sovereignty and democratic rights of urban populations in Syria, be that all of its Orf or Sharaa tendencies.
Taller than sovereignty of Sunni populations is what is more, the Syria’s Kurd; an example of union of Orf-Sharaa that can flourish from standing up to ISIL fratricide.  Urban populations of Syria, whether under Baathist forces or opposition, are the fundamental peace object of the country, the cornerstone of independent policy to reject Damascus Baathist’s civil war.  They need to raise the popular white flag of peace and fraternity against the death and destruction caused by Damascus petite war machine’s conduct in a war now joined by world and regional powers.
The solution and end to Syrian civil war is the task of government. It can declare a unilateral end to military hostilities and invite all elements of its opposition to practice peace and allow the return of millions of refugees as well as being the reconstruction of the country. Instead of the images of the cities and citadels of Syria torn to rubble, the image of renewal requires peace from Damascus.  Now, Moscow moving in more advanced military hardware and support instead of peace and end to hostilities by Syrian government can only go as far as it did in Afghanistan three decades ago.  However may be the intention of Kremlin to change its posture of war against Ukraine independence to a posture of war on terror waged in Syria and Iraq.
The solution of Syria’s civil war is in its cities, big and small.  However the country’s fabric is broken, millions upon millions, half the country, are forced into becoming refugees.  Urban populations and their united organization are the key to solution.  To empower the city is the task of government.  The Damascus dictatorship needs to dissolve itself upon unilateral declaration of end to all military action and peace.  It needs to relinquish itself into the united urban organization of Shi’a, Sunni, and Christian, support to Kurdish national rights.  
In all of the areas of Syria under the government’s current military footprint popular power and peace is the solution.  The opposite approach is to foster support to the dictatorship, such as entry of Hezbollah from Lebanon on the side of government, or support by Iran, or Russia’s military setup and support to the dictatorship.  Government peace and dissolution of dictatorship can bring all of the Syrian cities under the control of multitude of armed opposition groups to bear the weight of its popular decisions.  
In Iraq, in the metropolis of Baghdad where millions of Shiite and Sunni reside and are bonded, the elements for the unity of the entire country are present. It requires the expression of this unity by an independent organization of Baghdad, among its youth, women, state employees, working people, small business, professionals and most importantly advocacy of nationality rights, chiefly the Kurds. This is a task posed to the Shiite rise to state right to show how it can stand independent and unify all elements of Iraq society among Sharaa-Orf spectrum. However, it can disfigure and channel into deepening conflicts, as the experience of Shiite armed groups and government firefights indicates, that are created around members or groups of ruling political organization and state bodies.
What is told by these events is the political centrality of Orf axis to Sharaa politics. Upon it, Sharaa governance, can become a unifier by first reflecting upon its own political domain, the grip, the division and mayhem, the result of the rise of organization of Sharaa governance upon a singular plateau.
  1. Ruling Group, Social Movements and Independent Politics

Iran is a national development unit, a social container that is a component of the national domain with defined edges of the right to self-determination. Within this container three standout that have well established operations, interactions and record: political organization of capitalism with Sharaa governance at summit, social movements and independent politics.
The capitalist ruling resource, and the demand of social movements for realization of capitalist tasks are historically given. The capacity of independent politics, at the time of revolution, is defined by a collapsed Centrism at its core.
  1. Development of Ruling Political Organization

Seven decades history of ruling politics, from Mashroote-led revolution of 1288 (1908) to the Mashrooa-led revolution of 1357 (1979), seem to indicate a pattern of ruling political dispute, the latter around the opposition of Mashroote and Mashrooa. There is no new telling in the conflict’s history. There is certainly nothing to kill or die for.
Sharaa political development during post-28th of Mordad of 1332 (1953) is a product of long running ruling disputes.
  1. No Rewards from Conflict

A Sharaa coalition of national movement of 1327-32 (1945-53) achieves nothing in return for standing neutral or in support of the coup of 28th of Mordad. In other words, the divisions of National Front and Sharaa factions, one led by the prime minister and the other by a prominent Ayatollah, have no rewards. The fundamentals are the same as during Enghelab-e Mashroote.
Neither faction is able to properly address historic capitalist tasks demanded by the people. This engrained inability is at the source of ruling disputes.
The regime of coup d’état of 28 of Mordad represents the country’s political transformation from an interlude of national awakening and sovereignty to brutal suppression. The Tudeh party apparatus experiences the brunt of the suppressions with scores executed. Deposed prime minister is sentenced to three years and banishment. His close associate and more outspoken foreign minister is executed in revenge by the victorious monarchy.
Within three years of the coup, the Sharaa political leader, an ayatollah at the center of disputes with the prime-minister before the coup, is called before military prosecution. Summoned by military governance, he rattles the camp over a failed assassination of prime minister by the armed wing of the clerical leader’s movement namely, Fedayeen-e Eslam. A failed assassination that is perhaps a blessing in disguise, for it could have brought about further adverse consequences for the tendency by the weak and triumphant regime of coup d’état, had it succeeded.
In the end, the only concession gained by Sharaa tendency’s neutral stance towards the fall of ruling Mashroote premiership, is a campaign allowed by authorities and led by pro-monarchy Sharaa personalities in the media, to close down public centers of Baha’i faith (December 1955) that the monarchy feels it can accommodate as it places limits on freedom of religion.
The coup regime’s approach to its allies, among the closest clerics, is coupled with military tribunals and summary executions of leading members of the armed wing of Sharaa tendency (1956). Events practically end the political reign of the old guard represented by Sharaa faction of the oil nationalization movement during the first years following 1953 coup after the death of its leader in 1962.
  1. New 15th of Khordad Movement

The subsequent 15th Khordad movement (1963) is a veer away from the above trend, with a new leadership with experience of the fortunes and misfortunes of past conduct.
It is a movement born from popular response, street actions by Sharaa constituencies, against the arrest of a grand ayatollah for his sermons. This rise of a new guard of Sharaa politics, puts focus on the violations of national sovereignty, and the oppressions of the dictatorship. The leadership maintains ties and seeks to comfort the victims of the harsh government military response in 15th of Khordad. A repression that includes tanks on the streets, firing indiscriminately on unarmed protesters and many deaths, followed by declaration of martial law in Tehran for two months.
To restore the monarchy to power in the 28th of Mordad (August 1953) includes the accommodation of Sharaa tendency. A decade later, when the royalist state feels it has put the ruling Sharaa tendency behind, and has suppressed its militants, it looms large again. This time with a renewed platform of Sharaa governance as it seemingly vetoes foreign and domestic policy of dictatorship, brings to light its protectorate nature forcefully, from the pulpit. A conflict that was finally settled by the overthrow of monarchy through the revolution of 1979.
  1. Establishment of Sharaa Ruling Political Organization

In 1979, Sharaa rule in Iran is issued under the impact of revolutionary upsurge and conquest. In essence, ruling Mashroote continuation requires its opposite form: Mashrooa.
Is Mashrooa the equivalent of Mashroote in governance? A step along the same type of direction in a society saddled with objective need of dual governance or is it counter-revolutionary or reactionary, as many maintain in the imperial domain among the wide spectrum of right, center and left politics that includes also Iran’s political span from monarchists to its general Left among the diaspora?
Mashrooa is a component part of Mashroote.   
The political lifecycle of Sharaa governance in Iran since 1979 is a full cycle that includes inspiration, establishment, interaction with social movements and independent politics.
The lifecycle of Mashrooa governance exhibits deep divisions of a specific nature within ruling establishment. Interaction with social and independent movement include cycles of blood. It indicates the trials and tribulation of construction of the right to self-determination that is at a continuous need of application of Orf.
A popular revolution achieved through the peaceful action of tens of millions is the background of the rise of Sharaa governance.
  1. The Inspiration of Sharaa Governance in Iran

Bar lab-e darya-ye cheshm dide-ee sahra-ye eshgh (Rumi)
Back in 1979 at the helm of a triumphant revolution, when other ruling avenues stood exhausted, there is arrival at a maxim of Sharaa pronouncement by Ayatollah Khomeini: “Islamic Republic; not a word more or less”.
This call for Sharaa governance is expected from a man at pinnacle of Shariaat and Feghh (Jurisprudence). He trumped ruling politics that was debating the century old divisions of the marriage of Sharaa and secular constitution through his earlier call for Islamic Republic.
He saw Islamic governance as the farthest reach of native ruling politics from imperial interest. Better suited for independent development than the unsuccessful Mashroote which he had come to mistrust deeply.  The latter in most part did not advocate overthrow of monarchy.
The erudite grand ayatollah returned from exile, a confinement practice as old as the Asia civilizations, in this instance by a US-installed hated Shah, and stood with a revolution that overturned monarchy.
He is a man who had schooled Ibn-e Arabi for over seven years and for that was isolated by high in the clergy hierarchy which considered such engagement to cause Najess (impurement).
The man in the hour of history stands at a vista to give witness to Allah’s truth, witness to a revolution rising as the greatest unifier. His proposal for Sharaa governance is the essence of his life experience.
In outlook Orf, in practice Sharaa, both schooled for life long, is the man with the Sharaa governance proposal.
In political stance his resume takes exception. He has stood apart and opposed the Cheriki (guerrilla) politics of terror put forward by the populists. Earlier, he does not approve terror of a Shah’s prime minister by Fedayeen Eslam. Some of whom he put together as a nucleus of his Bazar group at Hayat-e Moatalefeh (Coalitionist Body).
The revolution had aligned all major classes of society and left the monarchy in a siege. Its army, the fifth largest in the world, was pushed back into its barracks broken in rank and discipline. The old brutal power stood ready to be swept away by the tide of revolution.
The founder of IR saw and explained his vivid sight: when 70 year olds and 5 year olds had become one, there was the hand of the almighty at work. He pronounced that neither I nor the nation achieved the revolution but Allah.
The founder of IR realized and captured Sharaa governance in a rendezvous of bewilderment and frenzy. To secure it he needed to reach for Orf, along with the people, who deeply support him in tens of millions. He needed to extend the rights of governance won by Sharaa to Orf become the latter’s champion.
Seven decades after the failure of Mashroote, history comes to Sharaa governance to achieve Orf to secure national independence and safeguard liberty.
  1. Mashroote-Mashrooa Equivalence Forward in Historic Direction or …

Sharaa governance is a component of the right to self-determination. Its realization can only secure through full realization of Orf governance.
It is firing a cylinder by the historic engine that is destined to be dual governance. The historic engine is a main Orf cylinder that contains a Sharaa auxiliary.
Sharaa politics pick up the mantle of governance, and history seems to state please do. The stage is fraught with collision that seems an inherent part of the invitation. Whenever and wherever, ruling politics is short on dual governance and the advancement of independent politics.
The creation of Sharaa governance indicates a break of axis of politics, namely the Mashroote trend, in the country. It brings the latter political tendency to the end of its long road, a historically achieved orientation to block or eradicate Sharaa politics as a substitute for coming short on the right to self-determination and meets the biggest stop sign: establishment of Sharaa governance.
Ruling politics seem to follow the break in state structure resulting from the overthrow of royal autocracy. A Sharaa governance to outstep the Mashroote framework that stands for the old state, economic and social relations. This is a step into an unknown future. Where history has only Orf in waiting—a popular union to overcome capitalist disunity.
With seven decades of ruling Mashroote political activity, Sharaa governance can be expected to match performance if not try to excel past records. Mashroote arrival at a continuation through Mashrooa is decided by its weight and organization. The latter is essentially the many pieces that remain from Jebhhe Melli without much organized popular support.
The spectrum of traditional Mashroote trend, composed mostly of various personalities of its older generation and its liberal Islamic group, mainly stood with the monarchy, openly or discreetly, when revolution struck. To find otherwise among this spectrum, one has to traverse from ruling politics to independent political tendencies led mostly by prisoners of the Shah that shared the Mashroote-liberal political DNA and sought the overthrow of the monarchy.
The ruling Mashroote policy stood true to its tenets and principle. In the decades following the disintegration and defeat of Enghelab Mashroote, it carved a liberal political utopia within and in support of royal dictatorial framework. Ruling politics come to bypass ruling Mashroote before the swivel door of governance turns to Sharaa when the latter sides with popular demand for overthrow of the monarchy.
The blockage faced by ruling Mashroote demonstrates the immense political pressures upon the entire body politic.
Like every such break produced by the collisions of social revolution, it is part of the package of the crisis of the state as a result of revolution. This one is with more sound and fury due to the circumstances within three years of revolution, when Mashroote representatives, the latest permutation and traditional, namely an Islamic-Centrist led by a first president of the country, resort to assassination and terror bombing. A scene resembling a theater of hundreds, who commit to bleeding and death to gain attention.
The Sharaa-popular upsurge of this history and its many varied derivatives indicate the need for dual governance of Sharaa and Orf is universal. It reveals a historic trend not belonging to any particular country but driven by the entire concerned domain of energy and agriculture as a distinct feature of engagement in national development.
Sharaa governance expression in the region travels through immigrants to the countries of US domain. Data indicates in such countries, the immigrant, Muslim, non-European carries a stigma. As a result of imperial policy an opportunity for unification and integration is lost to the resentment of the latter populations and becomes a breeding ground for corrosive anti-Semitism and anti-Americanism, instead of what can be gained through respect for the people’s sovereignty and the extension of liberty worldwide.
  1. Orf-Sharaa Unifier

Sharaa governance, the practice and champion of Orf governance, is a unifier perspective within the realm of capitalism. The achieved panorama with the Orf-Sharaa union is the largest as it includes all of the youth, women, nations, and ethnicities, urban and rural populations. It is a government recognition of its creator. The deepening polarization within the capitalist political organization can be sidelined.
Through the dual governance of Orf-Sharaa the national development container, Iran, moves from size one to size two no less than a double up—like one that sizes up when it is everyone.  In its absence, national sovereignty is  undernourished. Governance and diplomacy fail. All of which produce further evidence for the need for recognition of Orf as a matter of principle of governance.
In high contrast to the union of Orf-Sharaa, stands the prevalent practice of divergence from Orf or Sharaa rights, limiting one, the other or both. Where divided, clouded and petty wrangling defines ruling political circles who manage an oil rentier or otherwise capitalist state. During which polarization, the Mashroote-Mashrooa conflict is the rule of politics.
Unified Orf-Sharaa is a world and history game changer in terms of all that national development and capitalist historic tasks can realize. It is a political healer for a wide region.
If it is not the above unifier, then it is a new chapter of the long standing conflict of ruling politics. A conflict beyond the endurance of any man, be they as firm as a mountain. This occurs when the central tenets of a political medium, namely Orf and Sharaa, exercise as they must however, not by union, but through divisions and convoluted politics.
Eradication of the monarchy is the pinnacle of a democratic program. Once the program is opened to history, as dictating by a revolution like the one in 1979, it follows with the expansion of the rights of youth, women, nationality, and urban and rural working populations. Chief among these set of capitalist democratic principles is distribution of land, a true agrarian reform, and the organization of industrial workforce and from there all working strata, just like the owning classes who already possess ever growing and expanding organization that are tied directly or indirectly to the state.  
Without following on the eradication of monarchy by initiating all the sub-headings of democratic tasks, to pursue the social program of national sovereignty, any leader and leadership will be up for regret and misfortunes.  Without social organization and independent politics the content of democratic tasks and action has no alternative but to turn to mediocre or worse.
The founder of IR becomes the supreme authority over inescapable Mashroote-Mashrooa conflict in its new settings—when the Shah and monarchy are disposed by Mellat through revolution. The new ruling coalition is one of Mashrooa with a broken Mashroote that clings to monarchy.
He puts forth all his authority and popular standing to the service of an unsolvable riddle of such governance. He must set sight to directing the fractious chambers of ruling politics. His few declarations for Orf rights during the ensuing years would fall short of result of substance. Bonapartism is now at hand to enlist Sharaa enterprise upon the history of the new eras of national development.
  1. Ruling Break and Split

The net result of the development of the new Sharaa faction and the continuing crisis of old Mashroote guard and its various groups and manifests, is a break between the two camps by revolution of 1979. This break decides the shape of ruling organization in the ensuing periods.
The break in the ruling political organization corresponds to the revolution of 1979 and the corresponding break in the state structure, i.e., the overthrow of monarchy.
The ruling split of 1979 is the outcome of a political development that continues for nearly two decades of separate political entities in a common medium. These entities share a large host of common young activists and leaders, clerical and non-clerical, at times in and out of prisons. Yet, the separate parallel entities, cannot bridge into a common unit but reach a break. A break that seem to widen in subsequent decades.
A provisional government and Shoray-e Enghelab (Council of Revolution) are assembled upon a greatest common denominator of both camps, under Sharaa political jurisdiction. Government is a union upon a split.
During this period, Shoray-e Enghelab (Council of Revolution) and provisional government is headed by the representative of Islamic-Mashroote trend. They have defined the three ruling axioms of the country as US-Shah-Army and feel themselves as the best experts for running the government. Political representatives have put a lifetime spanning more than four generations into fancying and defining the policy brand that is to run the state and have a monarch only as a figurehead. Now they need to transform their paradigm to a Sharaa figurehead. Which they do in steps.
Islamic-Mashroote see governance as their natural prerogative, even though they never sought or expected it without a Shah, or only had been at its charge for short terms before the coup of 1953.
In less than a year (November 1979), caught by the headwinds of the US Embassy crisis, the resignation of the provisional government is final. Once out of power they express distaste for having been used only “as a driver” by Sharaa governance for transport to the destination of government power.
The reshuffle of government, which would re-test the fortunes of ruling Mashroote, is no sooner at hand than by the outcome of first presidential election (1980). This time the emergence of Mashroote trend is from the inner circle of Sharaa coalition where one would expect for it to have the most chance for success. It ends in rupture of ruling political shell through terror bombing (1981).
Upon the terror bombing the traditional ruling Mashroote is spent. Does this end ruling Mashroote political brand, hardly. It maybe dormant for a short time, but it always is there, and sprouts again. It requires new personalities and groups to sprout Mashroote trend through political redress.
Upon the construction of the modern state per the imperial blueprint, the coupling of Orf-Sharaa governance is not per conception, design, or development. The maximum allowed is Sharaa oversight as evidenced by Mashroote constitution. Once turned inside out by the Mashrooa constitution of the Islamic Republic, Mashroote oversight could be an expected maximum. Evidence indicates a broken Mashroote coalition has far less weight to exercise an oversight. More importantly, it is a faction without a sovereign governance perspective that sidelines itself.
  1. Mashrooa-Mashroote vis-à-vis Social Movements

Sharaa governance relying on state recoils once upon the spring of progress and harmony of social movements of post-revolution of 1979. It does not realize, the hour, once upon sahra-ye eshgh (Sahara of love).
The ruling political organization’s interaction with social movements is a set of premium data. During this process evidence indicates the entire spectrum acts in unison with regards to social movements. The Mashroote-Mashrooa spectrum is composed of political currents that stem from an exhausted Jebhhe Melli and a renewed 15th of Khordad Sharaa currents during post-1979 revolution period.
Both sides of the above spectrum converge on government response to social movements. Most often, during the above period, the Mashroote side in the provisional government makes policy announcements, and Sharaa governance executes the policy as the old police and army are in disarray.
Convergence with regards to social movements among the ruling political spectrum does not move the political organization of capitalism any closer to unity. The political strife and infighting a characteristic set at the birth of ruling political organization during Enghelab-e Mashroote of early 20th century, expressed by the formation of Mashroote-Mashrooa conflict, continues unabated, expressing the dynamics and political outcome of the ruling movement.
Sharaa governance’s expected stance towards social movements and independent politics provides the interactions, indicators, and the need for principled unifier solutions. The policy option pursued with regards to social movements does not win it popularity among the broad populace. It does not help Sharaa governance to unify and gel; not among the ruling factions or among the people.
  1. Centrism Steps into the Ruling Split

In contrast to unifier solutions, during post-1979 the core Left and Islamic component of Centrism are the foot soldiers for ruling conflict. These are led by former political prisoners, populist political tendencies that have gained wide support in the tens of thousands of adherents and define the political periphery of national politics. A periphery that can become a springboard for a union of Orf-Sharaa, a political healer of society, or a ground for further division and discord.
The weakness of Centrism is populism and the “armed struggle” policy adopted at birth during the reign of royal autocracy, which hides the lack of political independence from past Apparatchik or ruling Mashroote trends. ‘Armed struggle’ refers to a set of isolated actions with no tandem to the wider urban and rural setting. The policy and orientation comes to haunt Centrism, again in the aftermath of revolution, and this time in the most fateful way.
In the aftermath of revolution, history is led by dynamics that participants, from the ranks of Centrism, place themselves in political circumstances to kill or die for. However, it is under conditions where no such action is necessary, called for, or even plausible. An action and a policy that has no merit during the royal autocracy is now a fatal blunder, tantamount to political suicide, when engaged by Left Centrists in Turkmenistan and Kurdistan which includes the apparatchik Demokrat trend (1979-80) or within two years, driven over the cliff, to the theater of tragic conclusion in Tehran, during the terror bombings of Islamic-Centrists led by first president (1981).
Throughout this process, none of the political participants know how they end up in the position they find themselves in. Not even the leaders are aware of the outcome as they achieve their planned ejection. A good example, after terror bombings, is a jet plane carrying such leaders that clears the sky through a hole punctured at the right to self-determination. It lands outside the sovereign governance calculus, no longer accountable by national interest. Seemingly, without ever planning such outcome and its long duration.
The shape of the ruling political organization that evolves towards the rupture of its protective shell, provides opportunities for political suppression of first, the components of independent politics that end up or plan physical confrontation and, second, all independent politics. A dynamics that within four years of revolution completes results in the imprisonment of independent activists and the ban of peaceful and legal components of independent politics by Sharaa governance.
  1. Rise of Sharaa Governance Network

In Iran 1979, a predominantly Shiite country with a multitude of national and religious minorities, Islamic governance became the definition of government and politics. The Orf pillar of governance was not viewed as the centerpiece of Sharaa enterprise. The political swerve and its tremors defines the trajectory of ruling politics.
Sharaa governance in Iran sets up on a fractured old state organization after the overthrow of the monarchy. Parallel Sharaa governance formations in judiciary, security and military sprang up. Sharaa network run throughout the state organs, the state organization, police and army.
Most of the effort by upsurge that went to the creation of Anjoman, Shora or committees and later Basseej, is viewed by the participants as an exercise in Orf setting up popular organizations. The net result of the capitalist dynamic is a network of Sharaa governance early on. The popular organizations aforementioned turn from an independent unit of national development to a supplement of ruling administration, political organization and its dictums.
A portrait of this process, from the history of national development, includes at a minimum two million people, comprised of the clerical and non-clerical, the young and the old, although mostly men.
The right to bear arms, defined by the Bill of Rights, is executed by the Sharaa governance in this process. Its statesmen, men of power and stature, leading cadre and staff arm themselves. A rifle is held at Friday prayer sermon.
Sharaa governance was soon not lacking in methods of enforcing its rule. But the big problem of recognition of Orf remained.
Once all the dress and makeup of governance is in place, Sharaa governance is up to the task to deliver Orf. As it has chosen as the seat of governance the Orf seat of power.
The task of such deliverance, is no local or national matter but politics of world-class importance as the immediate regional impact of revolution and establishment of Sharaa governance indicates when it meets the popular demands.
  1. Sharaa Plebiscite and Constitution

We hold this truth to be self-evident.  Orf is the historical mainstay. Its relevance and preponderance is not up to a popular vote or referendum much like slavery is not up to a vote.
The definitions of Sharaa governance, after the revolution was a fait accompli and came through a plebiscite—a draft of a new constitution by an elected Sharaa body—and the ratification of the Islamic Republic constitution, a Sharaa constitution, by ballot.
Sharaa rule is organized according to Orf. These methods of governance are based on the country’s Mashroote history. A setup of a Western model of three branches of government would be under Sharaa oversight at the same time. It took this model and stretched it into a complete Sharaa jurisdiction.
Once Mashroote is stretched and extended to a full Mashrooa governance, it follows the Orf component and creed embodied in the need to stretch and extend similarly to full governance.
Orf is the essential and Sharaa is the optional. La ekrah a fe din. Eslam baraye enssan amadeh ast na belaks.
The question of Orf and Sharaa relations did not resolve as society and history introduces them, and not as the broad populace practiced and expected. The new constitution defined a Sharaa government and not a dual government. Orf grants Sharaa decisions for its governance and provides the Orf container for it the only viable historic solution.
  1. Preponderant Ruling Mashroote

The Mashroote ruling political trend is the container of the split that develops between the two camps in early 20th century. Its oversight upon ruling politics is a historic built-in feature no matter who is at top. State and ruling politics, as a political production factory, produces one Mashrooa product for every two or more Mashroote. The latter is the main commodity that rolls off the production line of ruling politics.
Sharaa governance can clean the slate of governance of its rival representatives, and it would still be there. It can lose its cast upon ruling politics if only the very conflict is overcome by dual governance and union of Orf-Sharaa. In either direction of Orf or Sharaa that it is looked upon the need for independent politics and government stands out.
Throughout the process, imperial interest in the conflict is to press further its dynamics. But even here, the brain trust soon is upon the anomaly and liability of pressing the ruling political complex, according to the book of imperial policy by Great Britain, or in smaller terms France, who are in charge of most of the region during the first half of the 20th century. As it does not yield the expected outcomes of the past history in setting up stable local ruling political and country artifacts that meet such ends as witnessed during the post-1979 period.
  1. Freedom of Religion

The right to practice a religion, including Islam and its various interpretations, is a foundational democratic right. The recognition of this right is not up to ballot box. It is a right that is all inclusive, and includes all religions.
Sharaa doctrine is not defined or decided through popular vote, nor is required. To define Sharaa by hierarchy, jurist, cleric or a partisan of Sharaa governance, viewed as a duty, is an Orf exemption, the state exemption.  Hence, Sharaa governance recourse is only through dual governance, through the embrace of Orf. Without such an embrace Sharaa governance leaves its protection aside.
The doctrine of Velayate Faghih, or other Sunni creeds of government, are Sharaa rules of governance for as long as the promulgators wish and define it so. Orf coupling with governance does not enter into any of Sharaa’s formulations and interpretations. It recognizes this as Harim-e (boundary) Sharaa and is focused only on Orf as a popular practice, which is the essential coupling of governance.
In avoidance of Orf, instead of putting into full display its marriage to it, Sharaa governance, is on a direction with expected outcome. The capitalist container is known. Sharaa governance and political content, has defined roles and limitations. There is ample precedence and known experience during 20th century national development. The most prominent of these is the experience of Gandhi and India, the split between Hindu and Muslim.
  1. A Pragmatist Sharaa Philosophical Outlook

William James’ Pragmatism: ‘a philosophic truth that should justify religion without alienating science’ R. B. Perry
Ravesh-e Re’alism: “In this book … the relation of philosophy with the old naturalism and astrology has been severed completely, and when needed, new scientific views are utilized” Allameh Tabatabaie.
Ossul-e Falsafeh va Ravesh-e Re’alism (principles of philosophy and method of realism), is the main square of the Sharaa body of philosophy in Iran.
This body of ideas was formulated following the 28th of Mordad, and as early as Esfand 1332 (March 1954). The work is led by an Ayatollah, Allameh Muhammad Hussein Tabatabaie, a scholar of Hozeh in Qom Seminary, through a series of lectures to a number of students. Among them, one who writes the supplement notes to this work is the influential Morteza Mottahari, later a central leader of Sharaa governance after the revolution of 1979, who is assassinated by proponents of Islamic-centrism (May 1, 1979).
The decades following World War II are commonly referred to as the ‘American Century.’ In Iran, under the shadow of royal autocracy, Chevy and Buick reigned supreme. Pragmatism, the national philosophy of the United States, is an artifact older than the automobile. It is a supreme philosophy of the US domain. It provides an operational blueprint to all component philosophical development where there is a need for one.
Royal autocracy in Iran prior to the revolution of 1979, and the state apparatus it commands, includes thousands of Western educated professionals. This large spectrum uses the guides and manuals from the U.S. domain. The autocratic state is also supported by many U.S. advisors and personnel to its large military. In addition, worldwide there is a broad spectrum of experts and professors fostering support to it.
Who is to develop an internal main operating system philosophy for the state? The main and lasting formulation of philosophical firmware of the country per the entirety of its ruling class takes place in Qom, the furthest ruling distance from the state center. Hozeh Elmiyeh, now a recognized ruling tenet after 28th of Mordad, and not the secular domain, is the main production facility of this ruling philosophy.
Early on, few among the academics have their attention to the development taking place at Hozeh, including many university professors who, knowingly or not, are on the same development path, and operate within the post-28th of Mordad monarchy-Hozeh alliance. U.S.-educated academics introduce a pragmatist outlook and practice into system of higher learning in the country that is modeled on French secular approach. As a noted university president at the time, recalls later: “All my effort for 20 years in Iran was to bridge Islam and tradition with the coming modernist wave.”
Ideological production and reproduction during history is required of the ruling classes. The Sharaa philosophical stance is redefined or refined as one that combines American national philosophy with an Islamic body of philosophy formulated during older centuries, prior to and during the reign of Safavid (1501-1722) in Isfahan. This dynasty that declares Shi’a state religion in old Iran as a parallel to rival Sunni Ottomans centered in what is present Turkey. Both countries’ language of governance at the time is Farsi. Each is now ruled by a different Turkish tribe.
The dominant philosophical doctrine of the old history prior to and during Safavid, pantheism, establishes the congruity of philosophy and religion. This is an intellectual product that is ready from the time of theosophy for a pragmatic undertaking come mid-20th century in Iran.
Intellectual development of the Safavid period, in turn, is based upon map of Wujud (existence) as a focal point of metaphysics by Muhyiddin Ibn ‘Arabi (1165-1240) the ‘greatest genius of spiritual teachings’, whose work is assessed at a value higher than the discovery of America by Columbus.
In other words, the development of philosophy during Safavid, combines I think therefore I am with I am therefore I think. Imagination is held as real as worldly. Illumination complements reason. The former is explained as the highest science required by human knowledge: Jaan-e Jomley-e Elmha Einast Ein, ke Bedani Man Ki-am dar Youm-e Din.
In Iran in the mid-twentieth century, Ravesh-e Realism bridges religion and modern science. Hozeh Jahanbini (worldview) literature by many leading clerics thereafter have their basis in Ravesh-e Re’alism and popularize its themes.
The impetus to the pragmatic philosophical undertaking, in this instance, is not industrial America of the 1870s and its required ingenuity—that is, free enterprise—but, rather, a revitalization of Hozeh scholarship. Not a land of opportunity and progress has Hozeh as its backbone. Instead, political necessity is a big element of the undertaking.
Upon the very first pages, author of Ravesh-e Re’alism takes issue with manuscripts of the leader of Panjaho Se Nafar (53 individual). More than two decades after his death, manuscripts of this Communist leader, take a new life of their own. They act as a corollary thesis to Islamic pragmatism under construction.
Ravesh-e Re’alism sets to refute what in essence is a version of mechanical materialism. It does so as if referring to a known comparison match-up of a Chevy or Buick with an inferior Moskovich or Volga.
The body of philosophical ideas in contention is a number of pamphlets not available in libraries or bookstores during the autocracy of post 28th of Mordad. Titles that are considered seditious by the state and that are now perhaps long forgotten.
The author of these works is a German educated physicist, aligned with the prevailing Communist movement of the 1930s. He is the founder and editor of magazine Donya (World) that publishes in Tehran (1933-35). Following arrest and military tribunal, he is the central leader of Panjaho Se Nafar before he dies in prison.
Panjaho Se Nafar, a collection of likeminded intellectuals deemed as pro-Moscow, are discovered and imprisoned by the royal autocracy in 1936. The anti-sedition law, mandating imprisonment of 10 years for holding Maraam-e Eshteraki (collectivism charter), is instituted at the time.
The leader of Panjaho Se Nafar is introduced as an independent leader by a leading member of the group, as the only one with stature that could have possibly saved the subsequent evolution of Tudeh. At the same time, a leader who is said to easily lose his political bearings and proper conduct vis-à-vis prison authorities. His actions are said to result in punishments during incarceration that cause his death.
The content of the body of work by the leader of Panjaho se Nafar indicates, more than anything, the path of personal intellectual development of the author. He shares those findings with his readers by juxtaposing his take from the historical material of the country. A linear relation of the social base and superstructure is what guides him. Tassavof, accordingly, is ‘sickness of dervishi, contentment, isolation, opium, and madness of claim to god-ness.” Materialism is to provide protection.
The eminent German thinker seems to view the question differently.  “In Pantheism … the immanence of the Divine in objects exalts mundane, natural, and human existence itself into a more glory of its own.”  Going back to very old times, “the Divine as inherently pure light …for Zoroaster the sum of spirit, power and every stirring in life” is to “promote the maintenance of everything positive”.  Later during Islamic period, contrary to “such oppressed and troubled deep feeling” as “expressed especially in the folksongs of barbarian peoples … a free, happy, depth of feeling is characteristic” of “especially” the Farsi development of Pantheism:  “who openly and cheerfully sacrifice their entire selves to God … yet in this sacrifice they do precisely retain the free substantiality which they can preserve even in relation to the surrounding world.  So we see in the glow of passion the most widespread bliss … there resounds the steady note of joy, beauty and good fortune. If … [one] suffers and is unhappy … [one] remains secure in himself, without oppression, sentimentality or disconnected dejection.  In the poems of Hafiz … even in grief he remains just as carefree as he is in good fortune”.  
Whereas the political economy and the union of the nation seems to be the main question.  This method of investigation needs to come to the aid of understanding the reality that goes before our very eyes. There doesn’t seem to be a method being suggested by the author and the writings, but a set of beliefs in sectarian semblance.
Absent the lessons of Enghelab-e Mashroote for dual governance of Orf-Sharaa, the stance against religion emerges as Communism following the footprint of Mashroote liberalism, which marks Communisms entry into Iranian politics during the 1930s and on a path away from democracy. This occurs during the time of the suppression of Sharaa rights by the royal autocracy that seems to require communist kinship.
In doing so the method seems consistent with political outlook. To present the philosophical perception of communism, a philosophy brought down to social practice—philosophers interpreted the world, the point is to change it, and its method of investigation, would have to be considered a foundation work. Instead, through the writings of leader of Panjaho se Nafar, it is an event that camouflages the political break that is taking place. Method presented was a misrepresentation of method intended.
However bleak the background of interaction of Communism and Sharaa in previous history is, it does not negate the achievement of the Communist tendency. Tudeh becomes the biggest and most organized independent political unit of the country prior to 28th of Mordad, bigger than any comparison in the history of the Middle East, in tune with the world political realities of post-World War II. Nor does this development stop Tudeh from suffering a worse defeat after a rise for over a decade.
The author of Ravesh-e Re’alism, would be oblivious not to see the opportunity presented by the rise and fall of Tudeh, a main political actor of the historic debacle. Evidence indicates, when expounding his new philosophical method, he is motivated to save the next generation from Tudeh.
When formulating pragmatist philosophy no upcoming revolution was in mind or intended. The author of Ravesh-e Re’alism, was the last person to expect the revolution of 1357 (1979) and Islamic Republic. He was into his prolific Shi’a literary works and had the company of leading academicians under the Shah or from abroad. If any, revolution disrupted his work. He was away from the social upsurge, and passed away in isolation two years (1981) after the revolution.
Yet, Ravesh-e Re’alism formulated by Allameh does more when compared to ruling Islamic-Mashroote intellectual products that are subsequent offshoots of National Front during its decay. Works that try to bring science and engineering to religion as a pose by Mashroote to Mashrooa, when the former’s inference is to portray the latter as obscurantism. Islamic pragmatism, provides a fundamental affirmation of the facts of ruling ideology that requires the unity of religion and science. It portrays an advanced ruling class philosophy of the country. It is a main product of Sharaa pragmatic philosophy more in tune with a capitalism that may view itself with a historic mission.

  1. Social Movements

The revolutionary upsurge in Iran awakened a broad array of social forces of national development. Large sets of populations were set into motion with the hope of fulfilling goals long cherished and identity long sought.
The motion of urban centers during revolutionary upsurge in this instance, is driven by the vast population of working people, many among whom are new urban residents in shanty towns. The nexus of city and rural is strongly present in a predominantly urban revolution exemplified by revolutionary strikes of the oil workers.
Whomever is the government issued or setup upon a successful overthrow of monarchy comes to face the deep expectations of social movements and the fulfillment of historical aspirations. These movements are the material that consolidate national sovereignty. They can do so through realization of a set of historic capitalist tasks, namely land distribution, youth and women rights, nationality rights, organization of urban and rural working populations, and the extension of democratic rights.
  1. Youth, Women and Nationality at Center Stage

The broad social movements are expressed by youth, women, nationalities, students, workers, farmers, baghdar, fishermen, craftspeople, professionals, small businesses or shopkeepers, and large numbers of state employees among them teachers, healthcare and government staff.
The response of the Sharaa government, and behind it the broken and shaken bourgeoisie sitting at the top of social pyramid, does not meet the expectations of social movements.
At issue is the transformative rise in productivity pressed upon capitalism by the entire historical burst. Systemic incapacity to meet the demand of its social movements and an accelerated rapprochement of urban and rural shorten economic distances. Popular initiatives indicate the capacity to meet the aforementioned demands. The extension of power lines, plumbing and construction of streets in Tehran and Karaj peripheries, and other places, is performed by popular initiative during aftermath of 1979 revolution.  The empowerment of broad urban and rural populace, the wage earners component, is key to solution to rise in productivity.
Youth, women and nationalities crown urban and rural social movements. These social forces are built-in to unify and liberate. They are the content providers of national development. National governance is fully proved only if it embraces youth, women and nationality.
Youth is the bastion of national development. Its role is foremost as it leads the action of society through the process of reform and revolution. Youth is the mass of society where both Sharaa and Orf are fluid and coexist.
Women’s freedom is the index of freedom in society. National development loosens the grip of Asiatic patriarchy once women find further access to society. Women’s protection from intrusion and violence, and their right to privacy is paramount. It furthers the protection of children from abuse and violence.  It is a right the revolution of 1979 is made for.
Women, when united by Sharaa and Orf, act as the unifier of society. Gender rights remove barriers to sexual minorities. Unification of society and historical leap forward takes place.
The essence of the revolutionary process and liberation from oppressive autocracies, from Mashroote to Enghelab-e Eslami, is for state, nation and nationality to gain equal historical basis.
Nationality is when the hand of national governance has a different jewel and ruby on each finger. In Iran the jewels are Turk, Kurd, Arab, Lur, Gilak, Turkmen, and Baluch, Afghan immigrants, Shiite, Sunni, Zarthushti, Jew, Armani, Ashuri, Christian, Sheikhi, Baha’i, and Dervish and the rest of mosaic of nationality, ethnicity, religions and sects in Iran and the neighboring countries. Sharaa-Shia governance is led by a hand ornate by history that can provide it with all necessary social might. Each of these jewels contribute to national culture.  For example, public school system was promoted by Zoroastrian minority during the 20th century.
The revolution of 1979 provides the opportunity to establish nation-nationality relationship, the most profound capitalist solution, the ultimate bonding, of national development.
Sharaa governance faces the question of youth, women and nationality from the outset. A normal set of circumstances as far as surge in social movements of youth, women and nationality and the normal set of expected policies and actions by the Sharaa governance weakens national sovereignty. Yet this occurs with the added outcome pointing to Orf.
Through Orf, the merger and unification of the populace, the ability to overcome the incapacity flows as a natural process. Youth, gender and nationality unify society.
In the absence of Orf leverage, the resulting dynamics is Sharaa governance, then a much wider political umbrella, to inherit the expected compound system response and apply. Its policies and rationale is now defined by the ruling system requirements.
The separation of church and state is the gravitational center for unification of church and state. Through the violation of Orf, Sharaa governance violates its own path, interest and development resulting in its further fractious body politic.
The above violation is the outcome of intense debates of Mashroote-Mashrooa at ruling politic, a dynamic that is left to its own without the unifier and mercifier support of Mellat’s independent organization and politics acting upon the outcome.
Sharaa governance swerves, pulls away from Orf during interaction with social forces. In doing so, it feels legitimate given the Mashroote drive to shut-down its politics. Violation of Orf creates predicaments for Sharaa governance among youth, women and nationalities that do not go away until rescinded.
Sharaa has established governance, pays for the failure of capitalism, and if it is a popularity contest, loses on the counts of separations from Orf it takes. Through such expenditure, Sharaa governance exhausts itself further as national sovereignty is weakened.
Youth, women and nationality come to indicate what seems to be the case for all of the social movements.
  1. The Combined Impact upon Youth

Youth experience with Sharaa governance is a combined sphere of women, nationality and all the main social units.
The youth experience intrusion and violation of privacy by storming security units, government or extra-legal, at expression of alternative lifestyles popular among them in public, in the privacy of their homes, on a mountain trail, and during travel. Repetition of intrusion through decades, during war and peacetime, creates a different psyche for the youth that experience such hindrance. The youth comes to further realize the need for the protection of privacy.
The above realization on a countrywide basis indicates a natural progression. It contrasts progression and the ruling political verbiage. Through progression, national development has a foremost expression that serves it and is without verbiage.
Evidence seems to indicate the failure of Sharaa governance to combine with the youth, and Orf means the breakdown of political continuity between the generation of 1979 and the next generation.
Sharaa governance, due to the default on youth, is the driver of the breakdown from its own continuity among the new generations.
  1. Protection of Women from Intrusion and Violence

Set in motion, women after the revolution of 1979 enter society in a manner never experienced during modern history.
The social movement of women that at times equaled or outnumbered men in the upsurge of the revolution of 1979 forced a change of women’s status in society from a passive existence of the bottom social layer of the society repressed under autocracy, to an active force of national development released through the force of revolution as a large number of women push for further entry to society, education and social production.
Through the unification of Sharaa and Orf achieved by women, the door for the unification of the entire society opens up. A falter or misdirection on this question would prove costly to women, the entire society and the cause of national sovereignty.
Participation of women in large scale during pre-revolutionary days was of their own volition. As a matter of principle, women during post-revolution needed to be left to their own volition. State policy is required to protect women across Orf-Sharaa spectrum.
In a region with an Asian patriarchal history, where past tradition has the place of women behind men and away from society, there are sovereign women at the inner sanctum. Governance of Sharaa needs to protect that sovereignty once women step more into public during capitalist development and protect all manner of tradition and expression by women. Violation of women lifestyle is forbidden.
To safeguard women expressions requires the boundary of protection around women against intrusion and violence. That is the basis of sovereign governance before Sharaa or Orf variety steps to role. That is the basis of union of Orf-Sharaa judiciary.
One month after the 1357 (1979) revolution, there is a peaceful street action in Tehran of women, different layers of women, many high school students, numbering in tens of thousands, a positive posture for women rights on March 8, International Women’s Day. Men, numbering in many hundreds join in and form a human chain to protect the peaceful march.
The attitude of Sharaa governance with regard to this march is recoil instead of embrace.
Within 17 months Islamic governance at the helms of state rules on women’s appearance. It is reasoned, defining women as a strict Islamic set goes hand-in-hand with Sharaa governance, during which course Sharaa governance policy, at this juncture led by the provisional prime minister, advocates the false notion that women who follow Orf norms need to be counseled to convert as an opportunity for redemption by this minority.
The basic task of union of women, however Orf or Sharaa their preferences may be, and state protection of women from intrusion and violence is shelved, a stance common across the entire ruling spectrum of new Sharaa governance from liberal to conservative.
The division of women based on their Orf and Sharaa preferences, two facets that are most often indistinguishable, is now state policy. The population of minority women that, according to this policy, are defined as the bad example, are the ones with higher education and jobs. Higher education, employment and access to society like men, is what all women desire as expressed by the flood of women participation during the revolutionary process.
A common sense approach to these circumstances suggests that the strength of Sharaa governance is to act otherwise in the unification of women of Sharaa and Orf. Instead, a false campaign towards the division of women is pursued. There are many declarations by leading personalities to the unfortunate effect—a leading Sharaa daily organ prints full-page(s) picture gallery of women at work without chador as proof of obscenity.
State organization is the prime arena for government to demonstrate the union of women of Orf and Sharaa. There are more than two million government employees, and over five hundred thousand, or nearly a quarter, are women. A key arena for the framework of the protection of women from intrusion and violence, inclusive of the entire population, is to help make the entire society an intrusion-free environment for women. Instead, female individuals who visit government buildings face intimidating dress checks before entry.
Sharaa has the authority to set the female dress code for Sharaa governance like any other matter under its jurisdiction. However, it needs to recognize Orf practice, to be the protector of the latter like it seeks its own protection as the two are connected together in a million ways. Infringement on one leads to infringement on the other.
The compulsory women’s dress code came about from political divisions of the newly established Sharaa governance. Not any society, street or classroom need, old or new tradition, but ruling divisions drive the dynamics when dress code for women is decided upon. Sharaa governance ignores Orf in pursuit of disputes within its body politic and issues compulsion.
Sharaa dress code was introduced in government offices first, then expanded to the educational system and the female student population, and then, finally, to the entire society. Before government Hijab ruling society practiced concurrency of women’s Orf and Sharaa appearance.  After the ruling it was the same with the added negative state compulsion.  The latter ruling takes the concurrency, the dual life of women in Iran in terms of Sharaa and Orf dress code, and turns it into a contradiction punishable by government.  Independent socialists recognized the dual appearance of women and opposed the government ruling.  All ruling tendencies and the Centrist spectrum supported the government’s ruling.  The rationale by most was that there are more important issues than women’s dress and thus they supported the government.
At the time of revolution, the number of female wage earners was less than 10% of workforce. Currently, it hovers at about 13%, much lower than the average MENA country.
Government policy is that employing women is not a priority. The female workforce is made up of government employees that mostly fill the lower echelons as secretaries and office hands or they are nurses, teachers, professionals and professors.  In rare cases they rise to management, though the experience is one with constant difficulty.  Women workers are in manufacture, like textile and pharmaceutical; they are bulk of traditional carpet weaving; there are large numbers of women workers who are domestic servants, some in a full time live-in capacity in the urban centers.
Sharaa dress, as a compulsion instead of a promotion, sets a very sizable population of women who practiced Islamic norms with a sizable minority population of women who followed Orf, at odds with one another. Among the latter are numerous religious minorities who follow their own practice that needs to be respected as sovereign and inviolable.
Union gained by women rights to Sharaa and Orf that flow naturally, in parallel, and flourish, was spoiled. There is nothing to gain from pitting one section of women against the other but unnecessary pain and resentment.
It did not serve the evolution of Sharaa governance politics. It placed the biggest quandary on the path of political evolution of Sharaa political personnel, both male and female, who supported the government decision instead of rejecting intrusion and violence against women.
If society’s recognition by Sharaa governance, then there is no longer grounds for objection by the Sharaa authority regarding how women dress or appear in public as the Sharaa government partisan must respect society and needs to follow the discourse. This discourse requires it to be non-intrusive and free from violence. The guardianship of rights of women is its fullest expression. Sharaa governance has state media for public education to overcome intrusion and violence against women. It has all the means to put forward its norms for dress and otherwise code it prescribes for women. Most important is the protection of all the cultural trends and preferences practiced by women.
  1. From Kashf-e Hijab, to choice of Hijab, to enforcement of universal Hijab

There is a whole past history of Reza Khan Kashf-e Hijab in 1930s that is despised by common folk when the autocracy took aim at women sovereignty through forced social discipline. Heaven knows how many women and persons were violated, as is told by many who lived during that dark period. Like the original secular set decided for women of Turkey by Ata Turk in the same period, it does not stop the present, modern Islamic generation of women from making wide appearance as is the case elsewhere in the region.
Increased participation by women in society through the Islamic movements during the last quarter of the 20th century shows how the imperial-aided program of regional states with regards to forced separation of women from tradition and Sharaa practices has alienated and shutdown women’s overall reach and participation in society and social production during the history in question.
What started as various forms of Kashf-e Hijab during the second quarter of 20th century was spent by the third quarter.  Under the victorious monarchy of 28th of Mordad (1953), Orf and Sharaa practice appear side by side.  Monarchy has partnered with Sharaa establishment during consolidation of its autocracy.  The concurrency of Orf-Sharaa practice among women follows albeit rejection of the latter by ruling policy.
The period of royal autocracy means atomization of social being and suppressions.  Yet a sea of women with Hijab and islets of Orf coexist and open to one another.  Ruling culture promotes a public permeated with intrusion against women.   Amaleh and Minijup captured by Tofigh (1346) depicts the setting.  
Women following Hijab are shunned in public by the ruling culture of royal autocracy.  The return on this policy is the appearance of a youth female population that adopts norms of Hijab during the decade prior to the revolution of 1979.  The Left, major component of independent politics in this period, follow the same mores.   Representatives of autocracy, shunned for its E’edam, torture and prison practices worldwide, waste no time to appear in Women’s international bodies like at the United Nations.
The definition and enforcement of social discipline rules, at either end of secular or Islamic spectrum—in this instance based on women and Islam, or in general based on gender, race, nationality, ethnicity, or religion—cannot be made to serve national development.
The Sharaa government’s enforcement of Hijab discipline on women, upon minority religion and Orf women, seems not to be the treasure trove of the post-1979 revolution from the disputes of Mashroote-Mashrooa within the ruling Sharaa governance, as its protagonists expected it to be.
  1. Invasion of Women Privacy

With Sharaa, the norms of public presence were defined for the female half of the population, and soon women could be stopped in public for the check of the thickness or color of their socks or this or that item of apparel. Not to mention getting arrested for makeup and dress. At times facing Taazir (flogging and/or cash penalty).
Invasion of female privacy in public became a standard practice. Once the opportunity for unity with Orf is missed then it is the state security, auto-justice, and penal code violation of Harim of women.
Morality police were directed against women. The violation of female privacy in public became an object of direct action by groups of governance sanctioned Sharaa ardent, the extralegal/auto-justice bodies who label themselves as ‘Hezbollah’ or ‘Gasht-e Saarollah’.
What follows is the legislation of the penal code to remove the rationale and action of the extralegal bodies in this matter, letting the invasion of women’s privacy be a routine of various security agencies. If ever an enterprise is erected upon the false premise it is the legislation of penal code for female Orf expression in Iran. Women expression of Orf in society cannot be undone or stopped
With edict for Sharaa dress code, the women’s sphere become victim of a Sharaa posture that, willingly or not, nod at violence against women. Amr-e be Maaroof va Nahy az Monker (enjoying good and forbidding wrong) became a tool for violating and disciplining women, in public, instead of it being fully devoted to uprooting intrusion and violence against women.
The failure to unify women of Sharaa-Orf, at either end or both, produces resentment and a sense of necessary or unnecessary sacrifice and discipline among many, for good things that might come for what the future holds. But such a future, where women are divided along Sharaa and Orf, and benefit as a result, does not exist.
  1. Policy Impact

The impact of policy of violation of women’s privacy, speaks in silent and stark social reality. Through first year of marriage 66% of women encounter physical violence. A sample study from city of Babol by the Caspian Sea reports 42% of women are sexually abused and over 80% are psychologically abused. Blanket coverage and protection of women from violence needs to be in place throughout the entire society, education and media.
The cultural exchange and nexus of sexes continue to suffer as a whole. Male intrusion and violation of women in various forms in public, on taxis or buses, and social venues is prevalent. To harass and violate women, verbally and physically, continues to be the public norm.  Only subsiding during the immediate period after the victory of revolution of 1979.
To uproot violence against women, requires proper social nurture. Most importantly it needs the independent organization of women to combine with the national sovereignty.  It ultimately requires a dual education system integrated and separate, coeducation and segregated school system—per Orf and Sharaa preferences—facets of the former exist in the country among rural schools and higher education along the general gender segregated public school system.  
To extend education to Orf practice, of integrated-education, along Sharaa practice of gender separate education, is required of state policy. It is impossible to overcome intrusion and violence against women without the integration of genders during social life from early on. In fact, integration-education as state policy takes precedence over Sharaa segregated schools even if it is the last to appear to the practice of public education.  It serves the integration of education with social life, economic and politics as required by national development.
Sharaa governance spokespersons reason that women are not allowed to attend soccer stadiums along with men because of the macho and foul language environment. Perhaps the lack of women is the reason why the atmosphere is overfilled with malady.
Now women individually take action with regards to their own protection with a separate supplement to marriage agreements detailing the woman’s protections during marriage.  This elaborate and lengthy exercise, is the current norm for many women to safeguard their protection.
The impact of policy upon women participation’s in social production is significant. During the first decade of post-1979, “apart from carpet-weaving and traditional craftwork, women’s role in modern industrial production was limited, and suffered a significant decline”. According to some estimates the number of unemployed educated women stands around 1.3 million higher than unemployed men.  Other estimate the number of unemployed female university graduates is twice that of men.
The indicators show that women in sport as spectator or participant both suffer from separation with Orf practice. Society should have no problem opening all its venues to women and youth; all of Orf and Sharaa preferences.
  1. Union of Orf and Sharaa Women and Elevation of Sovereign Governance

Women’s sports if made up of the union of Sharaa and Orf, a female team or athlete stands winner to the entire energy and agriculture domain with its prize: the union of women of Sharaa and Orf. Instead, back-peddling on Orf hampers development of women’s sports and the stature and well-being of national sovereignty.
What is true in sport is true in the wider culture. For example, Sharaa views are known about female ride of bicycle, women singing or women participating in soccer or sport stadiums. With Sharaa due course, on all such issues, Orf is due course. They complement. Sharaa proposes and Orf disposes. Society contains both. An approach that makes national development achievement invincible.
Otherwise, it is creation of a hurdle like the intrusion of women’s privacy. A hurdle born from the futile plan to separate women through Sharaa as a measure of protection of Sharaa culture. When all indicators suggest that the strengthened Sharaa culture is the result of a union with Orf.
Women’s main thrust into national development moves forward and with that the ground for the correction of policy increases.
Urbanization drives women’s expanded participation in society via social production.
Women now appear in a wide variety of jobs and professions. There are over three and a half million women wage earners along over seventeen million male wage earners in the country. Three quarters of them are teachers. The women’s labor force in Iran, at about 10% (the MENA average is 30%) is considerably lower than Middle East and North Africa, MENA region. “MENA-born women have an unemployment of 57 percent”.  In 2007 the majority university students (60%) in Iran are women as in other southern littoral countries. Most female university graduates do not find employment opportunities. Prevalent two digit unemployment impacts youth and women harder.
Women, from the widest span of Orf and Sharaa, are a main component of Tehran’s millions who participated in the silent march in 1388. They are its front ranks, as indicated during the street chases of extra-legal and legal security and the repression of the short period afterwards.  The highlight of the latter is a number of arrested who later die in Kahrizak detention.
Through union of women, all of Sharaa and Orf currents find their widest expression. It acts as the unifier as it opens the national development to its widest content. It’s political space for independent politics.
The unification of the women of Sharaa and Orf is the fortifier of national sovereignty, and such an achievement elevates the standing and strength of sovereign governance. The absence of which no policy or diplomatic stance and skill is able to compensate or achieve.
A campaign of intrusion and violence against women justified by ruling policy and suppression of independent Orf expressions by women denies not only the rights of targeted women but Sharaa women to associate with all women freely as such it flaunts and weakens national sovereignty. It serves as the main index to weakening of national sovereignty wherever and whenever there is ruling and government setup by Sharaa tendencies from Afghanistan to Tunisia.
In the end, it serves to benefit imperial policy that has always pushed aside the right to tradition and Sharaa by women in Pooshesh and livelihood as a means to strike against national sovereignty of countries of the Middle East as well as dividing their working people in European countries who have sizable minority Islamic components in countries like France and elsewhere.
  1. Protection of Nationality from Intrusion and Violence  

The recoil of Sharaa governance during post-1979 period on nationality is similar to women, it fails to embrace. Nationalities upsurge are simple expressions of Orf once the royal autocracy is removed.  
Sharaa governance at the helms of state faces historical options:  is it going to make its governance enterprise serve nationality, make full use of powers of nationality, join whole heartedly the rescue operation or is it going to fall for the old order of central state, soldier and barrack over nationality? The latter is a framework for a policy of intrusion and violence against nationality.
A slogan of Sharaa governance, at the time, is unity of Shiite and Sunni. Nationality provides a material basis for such unity beyond words and action. The opportunity is through union with a nationality government.
Sharaa governance here decides upon Shia Asna Ashari as the official religion of the country. Consistent for Velayete Faghih to define Shia creed as mantle of Sharaa governance it needs to combine with Orf which is recognition of sovereign rights of all religions where there is no official religion but the dual governance of Orf-Sharaa, there is protection of the rights of all religions. Society has now separated from a Safavid, Qajar or Pahlavi royal rule and their impositions.
There are many interactions of Sharaa governance with representatives from the nationality side during the post-1979 period. But the wrong approach of utilizing the central state’s military forces, instead of recognition of nationality as the healer and unifier, made all above interactions fruitless. Within a short number of years, nationality notables, among them both Shiite and Sunni clerics, are confined, at times imprisoned or driven out of the country.
  1. Nationality Surge in Post-1979

In Azerbaijan, the largest nationality, early nationality surge is spent during the mobilizations led by mostly clerical and Mashroote personalities opposed to the revolution that lead nowhere. Grassroots national awakening continues. No specific Azerbaijan political stance steps forward and there are no armed confrontations.
Azerbaijan moved politically during the upsurge of 1979 with a puzzling political feature. The political past impact continues with the weakness of independent politics.
From Azerbaijan’s past, the coalition that opposed the short lived government of Demokrat and joined fortunes with the monarchy in the overthrow of Demokrat government of 1946-47, exemplified by a grand ayatollah, at the pinnacle of Hozeh, who is opposed to revolution.
From its independent past, none stands out more than the government of Demokrat, an apparatchik leadership similar to Tudeh who, within less than a year, left abruptly.  The collapse and defeat of then expression of political independence, cut the legacy for independent Azerbaijan tendency(s) to standup and represent through the next generation during the post-1979 revolution.
Among the Arabs in Khuzestan, a distinct region of the latter formerly known as Arabistan and Mohammareh, the upsurge is in urban centers and is the first pronounced action of this nationality after many decades of suppression by royal autocracies and their distinct anti-Arabism.
An Arab cultural center is setup during the post revolution period in Ahwaz to be suppressed soon by the post-revolution governor, a leader of traditional Jebhhe Melli dictates policy and Sharaa security forces act as the enforcers. Small incidents of sabotage or explosions, never assessed by any independent body, are the justification for suppressions. At the time, arrest of some five thousand Arab youth are reported. The treatment of Arab prisoners includes numerous executions. During this period members of independent tendency, known as 14-socialists, are imprisoned in Ahwaz. Independent socialist’s approach is peaceful and legal conduct in all cities and regions of the country.
In Kurdistan and Turkmenistan, the surge of nationality includes independent political organizations and outposts of arms impromptu armed traditional apparatchik or new Centrist organizations. The scale of such feature is not significant. Nevertheless, significant enough if a government is in search of governance of governances and provides full support to nationality rights. All facets of politics in a place like Kurdistan, are so many elements that make up the ad-hoc nationality governance in time, nationality sovereignty, can fill its governance reservoir to the full at its choosing.  
Sharaa governance saw an option instead in the existing state army. Nationality Orf expressions were viewed as a threat. Armed units among nationalities is a question that concerns and is up to nationalities themselves.  The solution is one of nationality domain within which the issue can resolve peacefully. Instead armed groups among the nationality are utilized by state for suppression.
State policy requires a non-military approach. The new relationship is political, nation-nationality. Otherwise, however justified, the state policy is in a position to advance fratricide.
Army and military stewardship was first introduced and moved upon, as an act of statesmanship, by then Provisional Government leadership. For example, in Turkmen Sahra, armed Sharaa supporters rush to scene before Passdaran units get there. A military approach, utilizing army and supplements, drives its own dynamic.
Nationality resurgence is the non-military boundary introduced to the central state, nationality affairs belong to the nationality.  It is a full historical governance.
Evidence of armed individuals or groups is a matter under nationality sovereignty. It might very well run counter to nationality governance or be viewed as auxiliary and normal. However such entities might fit or not fit, nationality authority and governance is the decider and provides the medium for its peaceful resolution. Central governance military reach is not capable of any resolution. A political solution is provided through a convergence of nationality.
Sharaa governance seized upon armed individuals and units within nationality and countered with military action. It would soon rule that nationality with arms is Moharebeh and carries capital punishment. This is a dynamic written in the gambit of military by the governance decision making against nationality.
The state intrusion and violation of nationality rights become routine policy in such regions. The logic of which gets worse: once there is a price for a head it leads to organization of central state’s extra-legal bodies, at times mercenaries, within the nationality.
To uproot indigenous popular expressions among nationalities by the central Sharaa authority through security apparatus is soon the defined agenda. Applied to Arab, Turkmen, and Kurds the resentment and distress of conflict led by military and security is imposed on nationality. Here the state action flaunts nationality governance as a key source of strength of national union and development.
  1. The Armed Conflicts Pursued upon Nationalities

Among nationalities, chiefly Turkmenistan and Kurdistan, ruling politics found various armed groupings of Centrist or traditional nationality groups, as the battering ram for suppression.
What Sharaa governance codified as war of Kurdistan and Turkmenistan in the aftermath of revolution of 1979 was a campaign against independent tendencies of nationality with the majority urban and rural population caught in between. These actions are against a population that is into a normal life hoping for the benefits of freedom from monarchy and national oppression and looking for a friendly power in Tehran.
In Turkmenistan, at the time, the number in the armed groups around a Turkmen cultural center are a few scores, an expanded version is in Kurdistan with more city and countryside.
In Kurdistan—the bigger example of state military campaigns— a war was waged against the absolute majority of the populations and it turned quickly into long lines of refugees running away from areas of military action.
After the revolution, the proximate nationality environment is a rare state void as the old royal state is wiped out. The military barracks near towns, symbols of old regime, are in disarray. No one fears them anymore.
Nationality governance expressions within the void are primitive and amorphous. There is no nationality government civil or military. Examples of this are the short-lived government of Mahabad of 1946-47, or current Eghlim-e Kurdistan in Erbil or urban incipient governances born out of popular resistance like Kobani.
  1. State Dispatch of Military Units

The state military used against nationality action issues hammers against a widespread grassroots sentiment. Expressions of independent or indigenous organization would be hammered at the islets of armed individuals or groups, and the rest would be contained and disciplined.
The formula was easy enough for state power to achieve by dispatching military units. To set up military outposts in the cities and on the roads, in the barracks and outside, covers a nationality area with such a military network to the satisfaction of state is within the means of a government that is supported by Basseej, extra-legal, corps of Passdaran, and is equipped with army units, advanced air and ground reach.
However the organization of state military and its components conflict or agree, converge or diverge with one another during this process, and this is part of storytelling of the state response by the participants from various corps and components, an orchestra of military acts upon nationality and decides the outcome as expected.
There are hundreds of eager young volunteers, awakened and ready to be the young men who stand armed for their rights and beliefs, rural and urban, that are netted for the above campaign and some have published memoirs or oral history. Accounts depict such war, more than anything, as an ordeal.  The participants in the government campaign have no say on the matters.
The events of nationality awakening during post-1979 Iran are many expressions of national right where state instead of going to nationality with flowers in hand arrives with various military units, actions and dictums. National awareness does not go away and tends to fortify when faced with adversity.  This is not new to nationality.
The net result of state military policy with regards to nationality, with every day and every action, reminds the nationality of the need of its union. There is no political space for Sharaa governance to conquer and shine and no benefits to its policy but retrogression.  
Ruling policy with regards to nationality—expressed in the aforementioned government military campaigns or general policy that falls short of cementing union through recognition of nationality rights—goes through the acid test of national war and defense with the invasion of Iraq.  Iran’s faltering on nationality rights, the union with its own Kurds and Arabs that border the war front, indicates the malady.  When it needs nationality to be a loud, sovereign and united component of defense during the war, the seemingly quieted nationalities through its policy, instead proves a fundamental loss.  Arab militants or leaders are rounded for executions by the Iraq invading army immediately after the invasion in Khuzestan.  Nationality rights of Kurds and Arab, prove to be the social power that count for more strength than military ammunition and hardware during the Iraq invasion.  Before and in the aftermath of victory of Iran at Khorramshahr during the subsequent years.  
  1. Governance of Nationality and Multi-language State

Orf introduces a governance approach that at all-times, seeks nationality volition for all affairs of nationality. Its goal is to satisfy the union, not to sow discord.
The approach is preferential treatment of nationality to make up for the past duress. The basis of the unified energy and agriculture domain is the ground for nationality volition. Union requires independence. The state needs act as the unifier. Thus the central state’s bow before nationality is in Toto: nationality governance.
National development leads to increased urbanization among the population. All Iran nations have urban centers that are in the least over one hundred thousand people, often much more with a few into the millions. This is in a country in which urbanization currently stands at nearly seventy percent. Reinforced by urbanization, nationality sentiment continues to grow across all its heartlands.
The state’s service is a multi-language government and educational system. Neither of which point a gun at a nationality. Nationality-governance, is the authority and ability to run all affairs of nationality this is what was needed in post-1979 and is what is needed now.
Institution of Farsi as the official language of the country has a whole new meaning when the suppression of nationality is advanced by establishment of the1st Pahlavi dictatorship in the 1920s. It does not serve national development but, instead, Persian chauvinism. It encourages not national unity but divisions.
The above is different than the practice of the Farsi government administration of the past, the old practice that extended to the Ottoman Empire or India, which for a long period had Farsi government administration. Once combined with suppression of nationality as in the early 20th century, it is an imperial-designed artifact that comes in opposition to the needs of unifying the energy and agriculture domain throughout national sovereignty and development lifecycle.
The official Farsi language extended by Sharaa governance, for its own reasons, as its own constitution, as the official language of Velayete Faghih a matter under sole Sharaa jurisdiction and decision making it arrives at the Orf application where there is no advantage of one language over another one no official language but a multi-language state according the needs of present day society.
The multi-language state revives the centuries-old tradition of a confluence of languages. Nearly a millennium back, Rumi writes in Farsi and lives in the area of present-day Turkey, while Ibn-e Sina writes in Arabic and lives in the area of present-day Iran. The state needs to serve the confluence of languages and be multi-lingual. The official language of semi-colonial entities is a product of imperial setup of governance within these countries. National development shows the need for multi-language state through nationality governance.  Union of Orf-Sharaa, dual governance, can resolve the question of multi-language state.
The Sharaa governance approach to nationalities after the 1979 revolution took a distance from Orf. The singular plateau of Sharaa governance pushed by capitalism, could not combine with this trend of national development. The chance to combine with progression was missed for the sake of a decaying state organization that more than anything itself needs transformation with regards to nationality. A chance to hold to the Sharaa stance, and at the same time, advance union with Orf was missed.
History’s course of development cannot be altered or tailored for a failed approach and policy. With Sharaa governance’s scaling back on nationality the course of nationality development does not stop but continues with more complexity as a result of adversity. Nationality assumes further preponderance during subsequent historical development in all neighboring countries.
The evidence is in view in Afghanistan and Iraq, two countries which suffer from broken sovereignty due to the United States military occupation. Nationality surges higher throughout the national development lifecycle and its convergence is upon all the adjacent countries.
  1. Nationality Roadmap for Union, Growth and Development

Nationality development transforms both the city and countryside along with the interconnection between the two as well as infrastructure, agriculture, industry, land distribution and women’s rights. Thereby, it provides a higher foundation to advancement of culture and pursuit of happiness. Data with regards to all nationalities indicate that this powerful social engine is present in Iran as it is available to nearly all countries of the region.
  1. Azerbaijan

In Azerbaijan developments are within large urban containers. Modern industry and agriculture has a presence. Tabriz by some estimates is 3 million. Urmia is nearly 2 million. The latter is also home to Turks, Kurds, Armenians, and Assyrians.
The Azerbaijan political showcase is a standard of Iran.
There are more than 20 million Turks in Iran, and they make up considerable populations in Tehran and are spread outside of Azerbaijan.
Tabriz is a central action center of past revolutions of Iran. It is where much of modern politics, Anjoman and Mujahedin-e Mashroote, spring from. Sattar Khan is a countrywide national hero. Azerbaijan has had a one year independent national government of Demokrat in 1946-47. A large array of the present Sharaa governance statesmen are Turkish. Old Azerbaijan, during tribal history, is the cradle of Shi’a in the country.
The Tabriz revolt in 1978 created the first major crack of royal autocracy and paved the way for revolution of 1979. It came to the aid of an action in Qom, 40 days earlier, and as the biggest urban action prior to revolution, was like Orf supplanting Sharaa.
Azerbaijan in Iran is not the entire story as there is independent Azerbaijan Democratic Republic with a population of 9 million that for nearly a century has traveled through the gateway of the right to self-determination, the passage of USSR, to its present CIS energy status, that sits to north. Azerbaijan nation is a domain of two governances; Baku and Tabriz.
The proximity of Tabriz and Baku relay the Tehran and Moscow rotations. A national container of about 30 million Azerbaijani brings to focus the union of water, electricity, oil, and agriculture spread from farms and agriculture basin to oil and gas production which Azerbaijan currently rank 24th and 30th in world production.
Through the Azerbaijan union, two oil and agriculture domains, namely Iran and Azerbaijan can come together. They can benefit from a union of economics and currency through Tabriz governance. If there is a will, a state policy, there is a way to qualitative leaps in productivity. Azerbaijan, can be a basket of food and electricity, agriculture and industrial productivity for the region.
The unifying impact of such convergence reaches deep into Turkey the major nation of Turk kinship. It pulls together the Kurds that sit in between.  Tabriz governance can help bring together Kurds, Iraq, Syria, Turkey, Iran and Russia among others.
  1. Kurdistan

Kurdistan, the second largest nationality of Iran, is less developed in terms of industry and agriculture. At the time of the revolution, it is a container of many urban centers with public employment the biggest section of employed in city along with a large rural society. At the time, many of her cities lack essential infrastructure like water networks and sewer lines.
Kurdistan included the short-lived Mahabad Republic of 1946-47 that appeared along with the Tabriz government. The former is the first historical expression of Kurd governance in modern times. Kurdish identity and realization of its governance is deep seated within centuries of history. Long before entry of capitalism to Kurdish lands, Salah Uddin Ayyub (12th century), a ruler bigger than Safavid kings, is Kurd.
A surge for Kurdish identity and unification lifts the agrarian question.  It lifts the urban to industrial organization. What a blessing for national development—a nationality, country and region—to further the union of energy and agriculture domain through governance of nationality.
Kurdistan, connects Iran to Iraq, Turkey and Syria. Kurdish connectivity across borders is a way of life. Here again, a geographically large enterprise of energy and agriculture is arrayed for convergence. Kurds are about 35 million within the said Kurdish territories.
Kurdish nation and union is a domain of four governances: Erbil, Kobani, Mahabad and Turkey.
The United State occupation of Iraq breaks up the post-World War I framework designed by imperial England. The collapse of Iraqi sovereignty is coupled with the collapse of this past framework. Eghlim-e Kurdistan has made Kurdish governance resonate further throughout the adjacent countries as the natural course of national development of all the countries interconnected by it. It has put forth the truth of equal footing of Kurd and Shiite sovereignty and state, in Iraq.  Kurd and Shiite in Iraq is main object of dual governance of Orf-Sharaa in a multi-ethnic, religious and nationality society.
A Kurdish union, like Azerbaijan, is an example of energy and agriculture domain.  It can bring four countries together.  Kurdistan farms and agriculture basin, oil resources, is the possibility of a union to put forth a basket of food and electricity, agriculture and industrial rise of productivity, that can serve a region many times its population.
  1. Turkmenistan

Turkmenistan in Iran has a population of about 2 million. It holds the vast agriculture basin of modern agriculture and irrigation in Turkmen Sahra. On the north, bordering about 1000 kilometer with Iran is Turkmenistan, with a population of over 5 million that has traveled the path of annexation by Russia in the 19th century, rise and fall of USSR to the present independent republic.
Turkmens are also in Afghanistan, northern Pakistan, Iraq and Syria.  Turkmens in Afghanistan are over a million in population.
Historically Turkmens have had their own written language, government administrations in the cities, and a tribal society that stood as an independent region.   Turkmen language in Iran has its variation of the Arabic-Farsi alphabet.  In Turkmenistan it is a Latin alphabet based on Turkish with differences as well as the widely used Cyrillic.
The Turkmen in Iran were suppressed and her vast resources usurped by rising dictatorship of Tehran in 1920s and thereafter. Iran Turkmen upsurge during of 1979 revolutionary period is the biggest such revival since these suppressions.
Turkmen unity, like Azerbaijanis, can bring together the two oil and gas domains in Iran and Turkmenistan. This step is possible through governance of Turkmen Sahra.
  1. Arab, Baluch and Afghan Immigrants

The Arab nationality estimated at 2 million is Iran’s key to union with southern littoral states, Iraq, Arab region and Palestine-Israel.  Governance of Arabistan and Mohammareh can provide a model of advancement and union, the power of the right to self-determination to the entire Arab region.  With all the numerous icons of war and fratricide in the region, it can be the peaceful mercifier.
Arabistan in Khuzestan, a smallest Arab national entity of the Middle East, can set the example missing by uniting with all nationality, from Kurd, Lur, and Bakhtiari tribe, to Palestinian and Jews.  It can bring about unity of working populations in Mohammareh and Basra.  It can showcase the union of women of Orf and Sharaa.  A step towards nationality by government entails further union of Orf-Sharaa; it is the enabler of dual governance.
Baluch are over 2 million in Iran mostly located in the Baluchistan province bordering Afghanistan and Pakistan.  Pakistan has over 10 million Baluch people residing in it.   Afghanistan has over half a million.  Baluch are predominantly Sunni.  Development of Baluch nationality and flourishing of its national rights is a collaboration and union of the dominant countries of west Asia and Iran.
Baluch collaboration and union can bring together a large energy and agriculture domain represented by Iran, and Pakistan and Afghanistan. Such union can be the healer to split of India and Pakistan. It can facilitate the rise in industrial and agricultural productivity in three countries. Baluch as a language of multi-language state and Baluchistan governance in Iran can help rise general welfare and economic growth for Baluch.
Afghan immigrants are the connector of Iran and Afghanistan. The rights established for two million Afghans to full civic rights reverberates the same in Afghanistan. Its serves the unification and healing of wage earning social fabric in Iran, equally it serves sister Afghanistan suffering from deeper tear and scar.
Afghanistan suffers from a collapse of sovereignty for over 3 decades. First, by the intervention of USSR military (1980) in favor of the Kabul government. Second, by military occupation of Afghanistan by the United States (2003) against Kabul government. The latter imperial action rationale being that perpetrators of 9/11 terrorist crime in New York City have travelled to or reside in that country.
The invasion and occupation of Afghanistan has resulted in breaks and fractures in the political fabric to the point that a stable Afghan identity can no longer be comprised from these jarring contradictions. A reality brought about by the condition where society must stride forward and is pushed back. When its ability to do so is frustrated by outside military intervention or occupation and internal warring ruling coalitions of Afghanistan for long decades.
Afghanistan can rise and cement itself through governance of governances. The definition of the Pashtun government is key along governance of Tajik, Hazara and Uzbek and all Afghan nationalities to erect a sovereign Kabul. Central to Pashtun governance is the right of women to full protection from intrusion and violence given the negative Taliban record. The rights of Afghan immigrants declared in Tehran can act as the biggest unifier of Afghanistan from the collapse and fracture imposed upon its development path by more than 3 decades of war and occupation. Tehran needs to declare Pashtun a language of multi-lingual state, and to teach it in schools and help develop Afghan culture.
  1. Iran State, Nation and Revolution (1906-1979)

    1. Nation, Nationality, and State Historical Plane

The surge in Iran’s nationality immediately after the revolution of 1979 is a double-up on the right to self-determination. Nationality is a component that provides rescue to national development like nothing else. Nation-nationality is the greatest alloy of national development. In a country with sizable nationality as is the case in Iran, nationality rights is the key to historic destiny. It lays bare the complexities of nation creation and development in the country.
Across the oil and agriculture region of West Asia to North Africa economic resurgence requires collaboration of nationality. There is no internal economic agency and no amount of foreign investment, not that the latter is lined up for investments, that can break the deadlock of ossified and corrupt central state, whether or not it is an oil-rentier state, in unit countries. Such action is achievable through natural progression of nation-nationality rights and introduction of governance of governances that introduces the transformation of urban and rural, land distribution, women’s right and a qualitative leap in productivity.
State and nation, and vice versa, are the twin cores of the historic transformation required by national development. In Iran, due to the revolution of 1979, the core comes to display by the very disintegration of Pahlavi imperial-designed state—designed to run under successive royal autocracies from 1920s to 1979.
The twin core of nation-nationality-state seeks full attention to history’s agenda. It dictates the government agenda. A government agenda that can be violated through various actions, or postponed by inactions, yet cannot be removed from the course of development, now and then open or hidden, that points to the task of transformation of state and nation, the fundamental task of governance in general and independent governance in particular.
National development defined as a union of governances, nation-nationality structure, is invincible. The expression of nationality is the main feature of governance. Nationality is no longer the dark underdeveloped social corner but the shining beacon of rise of national development. The union of the energy and agriculture domain brings further national creation and nationality independence to shine.
  1. Union of Nation, Nationality, Ethnicity and Tribe

Iran is surrounded and her borders are resident to the nationalities that are spread across the interior of Asia. The spoken language of these nationalities is not taught in the public school system. A few exceptions exist like Kurdish teaching appearing in secondary schools.  Plans to extend it to primary schools have been announced by government.
Nationality is the Asia connector social unit. It is a weakness that comes to strength like national development it represents. The connector startup that is underway is most consequential in terms of impact upon social transformation and historical development.
The nationality social unit is one that is lodged and can dislodge. Between the two actions is the rise of governance of governances. That is a mighty social power lodged by nationality at the fortress of national development.
A reverse set of circumstances displays the interplay of state and nation in the aftermath of collapsed sovereignty in Iraq, instigated by the duress of Baathist dictatorship and a decade of its reactionary wars complemented by United States military occupation and its overthrow and installation of a Shiite protectorate government that is far short of any meaningful solution to Iraq sovereignty as indicated by its lifespan.
The result is a broken national capitalist political organization along the lines of Shiite, Kurd, Sunni and smaller entities like Turkmen with each entity within the organization suffering from various degrees of strife.  A near collapse of the protectorate governance at the stage of futile rise of Sunni power through ISIL and Baathists pressing for a dismemberment of the country as in present Khalafat:  attempts to push the country away from unifier perspective of sovereign and united Iraq that is led by governance of governances of the Kurd and Shi’a free from organized violence of state or Sunni structures of Baathist or new Islamic forms; or various armed bands of government factions.
In Iran, the precursor to nationality is the province of ethnicity and tribe. During the 20th century, in the imperial-designed state in Iran, the above province is subordinated and stepped over, an action viewed as a necessary component of nation creation by the new class of capitalists.  A similar procedure is in place in adjacent countries at about this time or afterwards.
There is no lack of alliance with internal state and exterior imperial by tribal or provincial leaderships.  The latter are at the top of the power pyramid along with royalty, government, the clerical establishment, merchants, landlords, and new landowners, most of whom have a direct liaison with imperial powers. Nevertheless, the province of tribe and nationality is up for the historical misfortune of arrested development due to nature of imperial-aided design of state and restraints placed on nation.
The imperial-aided or led State shuts down the agencies of national development through a dictatorship to create the best possible platform for oil extraction.  An opposite approach to how history puts forth the question of governance is by Enghelab Mashroote.
In opposition to Estebdad va Este ’mar (autocracy and colonialism), Enghelab-e Mashroote converged nation, nationality and tribe as it displayed national awakening and development as it indicated how much space history has for collaborative development of all three and what is the natural and true process of nation-creation that can lead to rapid industrialization. This process is disfigured by the imposition of imperial design.
A voluntary and collaborative approach, is the indication of governance of governances, when revolution sums up its component power to establish a central government and Majlis and defeats the rule of autocracy in Tehran in 1288 (1909).
  1. Mashroote-Mashrooa Conflict or Dual Governance

Mashroote conquers Tehran through military campaign of its own forces (Tir 1288). It is no longer the case of three years back, when Mashroote leaders, with some 20 thousand supporters against an entrenched monarchy, camp in the British embassy in protest of autocracy (1285-1906). It can now make common cause with independent forces upon victory. But everything from imperial design, to the deep division of Mashroote Mashrooa, does not help Mashroote leadership to make common cause with the people.
Voluntary collaboration of nation, nationality and tribe is the widest possibility of national development.
Mashroote leadership instead upholds the monarchy time and again, knows not but the Western model, and makes the latter model even more limited, achieves neither separation of Church and State nor the unification of the latter when it suits up a Qajar with a Parliament, removes Mashrooa upon major victory, defines politics to shun Sharaa, and lays the groundwork for its own downward spiral.
A reform of Qajar state during transition and transformation to a nation-capital state in the 19th century, has its Abbas Mirza and Amir Kabir. The former, a Qajar prince, the latter, a young boy who finds path to the royal court, educates and rises to become the reformist head of cabinet, the prime man of state power under the Shah. Who would guess, once the process of state transformation is complete, by the beginning of the 20th century a mighty constitutional revolution, would produce the sets of Mashroote leadership that eagerly take on the reform of Qajar state with the bloody elimination of Mashrooa.
The collaboration of popular contingents of revolution, chiefly Mujahedin, on the face of the urgency of the times, is the only basis for sovereign development in a country suffering from constant British and Russian intrusions, ultimatums, and military actions. By removing this central political axis, shifting it to parliament and government cabinets, there is no chance for application of sovereign governance.
In saving the Qajar dynasty, the Mashroote leadership tied to the monarchy, Khan, landlord, merchant and foreign interest, forfeits any chance for an independent governance model to Western definition.
The victory of the Mujahedin, the collaboration of nation-nationality and tribe that is set within it, is the occasion for a perfect union. What is necessary is to establish a new model of democracy as demanded by history: the dual governance of Orf and Sharaa and its extension to the realm of governance of governances. Instead, there are deep rifts within ruling body politic.
Mashrooa split from Mashroote is in Tir 1286 (1907). Afterwards, its main leaders oppose Mashroote as in a public assembly at Baghshah (Aban 1287) at the Shah’s court setup for discussion of the type of government needed. Mashrooa plead their theme for the Shah to reconsider support to Mashroote as it violates Sharaa. They have every mark of opposition to Mashroote. Thus, are seemingly no partner for the union of the two?
It is seven months after Baghshah assembly that Mashroote alliance against autocracy march on Tehran (Tir 1288).
History has the occasion for the vanquished and victor, Mashroote leadership versus the defeated autocracy: the treatment of Mashrooa by Mashroote, the latter a fatal rendezvous as it turns out then, and for many decades to come. An interplay born from the dynamics of ruling political organization that takes shape under Qajar: Opposing royalty are neutralized, some pay fines, Sharaa political spokesperson is executed, and popular armed assemblies are dismantled.
In old Asia history, where blood flows quietly through its never ending cycles, a norm of victor and vanquished could be cause to reconsider. In the old centuries, Tamerlane (1320s, 30s-1405), when preparing the mass beheading of a resistant city population after a conquest, is said to apply the rule to exempt men of letters, leaders of various religions, and craftsmen.
Would Mashroote herald its democratic conquest to include the recognition of Sharaa governance, thereby arriving at a union with its vanquished and safeguarding the widest possible political domain of national sovereignty?
One month after victorious Mujahedin march on Tehran the leader of Mashrooa is hanged (Aban 1288) through the verdict of the Revolutionary Court set up after the conquest two weeks before.
Upon elimination of Mashrooa, three weeks later, the second Parliament now led by Mashroote political coalition is elected in nine months, on the arrival day of Sattar Khan and a group of Mujahedin back to Tehran, Parliament rules to disarm everyone but police and military, the decree is enforced within four months (Mordad 1289) resulting in deaths of many Mujahedin including the injury to and later death of Sardar Melli.
  1. Roadmap for Reproduction of Royal Autocracy

Five months after the victory of Mujahedin over Qajar (1909), the program of the elected prime minister presented to parliament outlines four points that give or take the wording and time changes, could apply to any prime minister thereafter: reform of state military and security, obtain immediate foreign loan, reform of state financial organizations, and the hiring of foreign advisors.
Absent from the above plan are the elements that made the victory of revolution possible namely mujahedin Tabriz, Gilan or Bakhtiari from Isfahan, the essentials of national union and development, the essence of independent state-nation-nationality-tribe relation.
The government plan is the roadmap of negation of revolution that, in time, yield a military governance, dictatorship and creation of a new royal autocracy (1921-41) that is an imperial-led design of the central state that quashes nationality and tribe for the sake of continued underdevelopment and the safeguarding of foreign interest.
Much like Kashf-e Hijab, enforced by the above dictatorship against women, and before that the nation is stripped from its broad national features is tarnished.  Mellat and confluence of concurrent national developments within the country container is rejected. Once nation-nationality is suppressed, history is not without display of farce. Then the Shah, risen from the ranks of the Cossacks, helps himself to direct and forceful land seizures to become the biggest landowner during rising vogue of land ownership by the wealthy.
The installation of a dictatorship is coupled with a hollow Persian Chauvinism, anti-Arabism and superiority of Aryan race all sold as modernism and gaining wisdom of the history of the past.
Farsi literary and cultural heritage, an intimate companion of Arabic cultural conquests of this past history, is presented as the Persian greatness over others. The facts of history are that many people produce and use such heritage in Farsi, Arabic, by extension in Turkish and by all the languages of the region in one form or another. Thus, instead of the history-given beauty, the magnificence of cultural and social mosaic with variety patterns of province, tribe, nationality and nation, as the standard bearer of national development, it supplies the oil-rentier state with a false and chauvinist veneer.
Orf, Sharaa, nation, nationality, and tribe present themselves through the Mashroote revolution. They pose at the ruling political organization a body that fails to win broad acceptance and convergence to support all such interest.  A divided body, the ruling political organization, once drawn to the blood line of Mashrooa suppression, is characterized by strife, threats and assassinations. The foundation to independent political perspective is outlined through the experience by the negative example of the latter political organization.
As Iran falls to the backbreaking rule of the rise of royal autocracy of 1920s, there is yet a deeper fall where it concerns the social sciences, data processing of historical and national development, and formulation of independent politics. Upon the break in labor-nation state in Russia, a process that grips international politics, as in the case of Communist parties worldwide, the impact is deep in the country, due to proximity and history. Enghelab Mashroote is inspired by 1905 revolution of Russia. The 1917 revolution has unequivocally rescinded all impositions of former Tsarist state against Iran.
Thus, under the impact of Thermidor of Russian Revolution, subsequent development of independent politics, fails to apply the lessons of Mashroote and to unite Orf, Sharaa, nation, nationality, and tribe during decades that follow as in post-World War II social upsurge when the matter is more urgent due to institutionalization and deepening of national suppression by Pahlavi-imperial designed and led state.
New prospects laid out as a result of upsurge and post-1979 revolution and disintegration of said royal state reaffirm the need to utilize these historical lessons.
* * *
At present, the percent of nationality is half the total population of over 70 million, if not more, as it is never tallied by government data. The conservative estimates are Azerbaijani at 24%; Gilak and Mazandarani at 8%; Kurd, 7%; Arab, 3%; Lur, 2%; Baloch, 2%; and Turkmen 2%. Afghan immigrants are nearly 3%.
The development of nationalities indicates large urban centers to be the rule, as each nationality has a city or cities that number from over a hundred thousand to millions.
Nationality aspiration, tradition, religious variety, and relationship to central state provide the conditions for state reform and a model of union of Orf and Sharaa by achievement of independence in the country, and region. Based on indicators nationality leads the rest of the country in terms of ability to unify its Orf and Sharaa expressions. A fact demonstrated by Eghlim-e Kurdistan turning into a safe haven from ISIL incursion and executions.
  1. Independent Politics

Continued in New Trends in World History, Part Two.
Part Two covers the following topics and titles:

  • Closure of independent politics during 1361-67.
  • Hereditary Weakness of Independent Politics: Iran independent politics since the early 20th century; two distinct periods, continuity during the first quarter of the 20th century and discontinuity before World War II to 28th of Mordad coup.
  • Development of post-28th of Mordad Independent Politics
  • Post-1979 revolution independent politics
  • Political prism of war and prison (balance sheet of Iraq war and prison developments)
  • Tehran peaceful silent million march of 1388 pointing away from ruling disputes to Orf-Sharaa union
  • The need for regeneration of independent politics of the right to self-determination
  • Articles of sovereign governance
  • “Ahval-e Eshgh Makes Landfall”
  • From a Human Quest of Heavens to Union of Orf-Sharaa
  • Vertical and Horizontal Dimensions of Independent Politics
  • National development opens the old Asiatic ‘shut-in’